Tag Archives: History (U.S. president) – John F. Kennedy

BLOG PAGE: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY (May 29, 1917–November 22, 1963), 35th U.S. PRESIDENT.

FEATURE image: Portrait of President John F. Kennedy. “President John F. Kennedy” by U.S. Embassy New Delhi is licensed under CC BY-ND 2.0.

January 3, 1960 — Kennedy Confronts Charges of “Divided Loyalties” on Meet the Press:

(20) Looking back at JFK discussing his faith 60 years after his assassination – YouTube – retrieved June 2, 2026.

January 3, 1960 — Announcement: One day after launching his campaign for the Democratic nomination, Kennedy immediately confronted a revived national anxiety: whether a Roman Catholic could serve as president without divided loyalties. As the first Catholic with a viable path to the White House, he faced sharp questioning over whether allegiance to the Pope might compromise his constitutional duties.

Religious Controversy: Kennedy moved quickly to defuse the issue. Kennedy, who happened to be Catholic, argued that religion should neither qualify nor disqualify a candidate. His position was deliberately universal. Though he made no excuses for his Catholic faith, he insisted that the presidency belongs to individuals, not categories. The controversy did not end there. In September 1960, before the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, he faced it down again, declaring that he was not the Catholic candidate for president, but the Democratic Party’s candidate who happened to be Catholic. The speech became the campaign’s clearest statement that personal identity must not become a political litmus test. He pledged to carry out the responsibilities of the presidency independent of any outside religious authority, rejecting both criticism and instruction. He argued for an uncompromising separation of church and state, stating that he would oppose a national church even if “99 percent” of Americans shared his faith.

Electoral Strategy: Beyond addressing religion, Kennedy used the NBC broadcast to outline his broader campaign logic. He rejected identity‑based ticket balancing, insisting that a major party’s presidential ticket should be shaped by geography and political experience rather than religious background.

Vice‑Presidential Speculation: He also dismissed rumors that he might accept the vice‑presidential slot, stating bluntly that he had no interest in “waiting for the president to die.” The unusually candid remark signaled his determination to run on his own terms and set the tone for the rest of his campaign.

September 13, 1962 — News conference:

I think – and I am sure this is the view of the people and the states- the right to vote is very basic. If we are going to neglect that right, then all of our talk about freedom is hollow. And therefore we shall give every protection that we can to anybody who is seeking the vote.

October 26, 1963Remarks at Amherst College:

The men who create power make an indispensible contribution to the nation’s greatness. But the men who question power make a contribution just as indispensible for they determine whether we use power or power uses us.

September 13, 1960 Kennedy-Johnson Joint Campaign Appearance, Grand Prairie, Texas:

(starts @ 28 seconds) Grand Prairie, Texas, in September 1960. https://youtu.be/iJHrgw8-QEc?si=NMUyZjDxJZXTy1bi – retrieved November 2, 2025.

Above: One of the rare joint appearances of Senators John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson—the Democratic presidential ticket—in the 1960 campaign, which ultimately defeated the Republican ticket of Nixon–Lodge. During the second day of their Texas tour, the two men spoke to nearly 6,000 people in the parking lot of the Chance Vought Aircraft factory. It was at this stop that Kennedy was famously presented with a western cowboy hat, joking that he “didn’t have the guts to wear it” immediately. They also rode in a motorcade through the intersection of Main and Center streets in downtown Grand Prairie. Neither man was a natural campaigner: Kennedy’s hands often shook beneath a table or podium as he spoke, his voice growing hoarse, while Johnson, uneasy in crowds, frequently pushed himself into sick exhaustion on the trail.

Campaign Dynamics: Although both candidates wanted more joint appearances, their aides agreed such events mostly hurt the ticket’s image—especially Kennedy’s. Johnson was only nine years older, and both were the first U.S. presidents born in the 20th century, yet aides felt that when they stood together Kennedy looked almost like LBJ’s son. Still, the press and Johnson complained for weeks that the two men should campaign together more often, given the offices they sought.

Press Pressure: When reporters began hinting at a rift between the candidates as the reason for their limited joint schedule, the campaign arranged another appearance in November 1960, five days before Election Day. For that final joint even at the Biltmore in Los Angeles, Johnson flew out specifically to join Kennedy. The appearance received strong national print and television coverage, and on that Thursday before Americans went to the polls, both campaigns regarded it as a major success.

February 18, 1958 Speech at Loyola College Alumni Banquet, Baltimore, Maryland:

Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer, but the right answer. Let us not seek to fix the blame for the past. Let us accept our own responsibility for the future.

The Cuban Missile Crisis lasted from October 16 to October 28, 1962. Critical Milestones:

October 16: Kennedy was first shown U‑2 photographs revealing Soviet nuclear missile installations in Cuba.

October 22: Kennedy announced a naval “quarantine” of Cuba in a televised address to the nation.

October 24: Soviet ships approached the blockade line but stopped or turned back to avoid confrontation.

October 27 — “Black Saturday”: A U‑2 was shot down over Cuba, and a Soviet submarine was forced to surface by U.S. Navy signaling, marking the peak of the crisis.

October 28: Premier Nikita Khrushchev announced that the Soviet Union would dismantle and remove the missiles, ending the 13‑day standoff.

FROM 13 DAYS (2000). JFK: BOB, IS THERE ANY WAY TO AVOID STOPPING THE SUBMARINE FIRST? MCNAMARA: I’M AFRAID NOT MR. PRESIDENT. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gol-iCLcroY – retrieved April 20, 2026

In response to the rapid buildup of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, President John F. Kennedy announced that the United States would impose a naval blockade—officially termed a “quarantine”—around the island. It went into effect on the morning of October 24, 1962, when American warships and aircraft tightened a ring around Cuba with orders to intercept any vessel suspected of carrying offensive military equipment.

Tension spiked almost immediately. Roughly 25 Soviet ships, some believed to be transporting nuclear missile components, continued steaming toward the quarantine line. U.S. commanders had standing instructions: any vessel refusing inspection could be stopped, diverted, and, if necessary, sunk. At 10:00 a.m., as the quarantine became active, Kennedy convened ExComm to assess the situation when new intelligence came in that made the situation immediately more precarious. Reports were that the approaching Soviet ships were joined by a Soviet sub armed with nuclear weapons, raising the risk of an existential, catastrophic confrontation. At the same time, aerial reconnaissance showed Soviet crews working feverishly in western Cuba to complete missile sites armed with nuclear warheads pointed at the U.S.—further evidence that the threat to U.S. national security, already considered imminent by the Kennedy Administration, was growing by the minute.

On the diplomatic front, the crisis was unresolved as it was debated by delegates at the U.N. whether Kennedy’s blockade was even legal under international law. Soviet leaders accused the United States of issuing an ultimatum and warned that force would be met with force. Meanwhile protests were organized on each side across the globe as political maneuvering accelerated.

By the end of October 24, 1962, the first signs of restraint appeared: several Soviet ships slowed or halted before reaching the quarantine line, suggesting Moscow might be reconsidering its next move. Even so, the world understood, some for the first time, that it stood on the precipice of nuclear war. The day ended with both superpowers locked in the most dangerous equilibrium of the crisis so far – both armed, alert, and waiting for the next move – with no one knowing whether diplomacy or confrontation would ultimately prevail.

October 31, 1962 — Three Days After the Cuban Missile Crisis, JFK Meets the Archbishop of Canterbury at the White House:

Above: Rev. Dr. Michael Ramsey (1904–1988), Archbishop of Canterbury, meets with President John F. Kennedy on Halloween, 1962—just three days after the Cuban Missile Crisis ended. The world was still exhaling in relief: armed confrontation between the superpowers had been narrowly avoided, and October 27 had been the crisis’s most perilous day. A U‑2 reconnaissance plane was shot down by Soviet‑supplied SAM missiles, killing the USAF pilot. Kennedy’s ExComm urged immediate military retaliation, but he resisted. That same night, Robert Kennedy met secretly with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin in Washington, where they reached a tentative understanding pending Moscow’s approval. By the next morning, October 28, Radio Moscow announced acceptance of Kennedy’s proposal, ending the 13‑day standoff.

Michael Ramsey had been appointed Archbishop of Canterbury on May 31, 1961, and installed the following month, serving until 1974. In 1962 he was also president of the World Council of Churches (1961–1968). During his archbishopric, the first woman Anglican priest—Chicago‑born high‑altitude balloonist Jeannette Piccard—was ordained in the United States in 1974.

Massachusetts: John F. Kennedy Library, Columbia Point, Boston (June 1989):

July 1989 — The author at the John F. Kennedy Library, Columbia Point, Boston.

Standing near JFK’s iconic sailboat, 1989 marked the Library’s tenth anniversary, a moment when the institution shifted from a young presidential repository into a fully established center of civic education, political legacy, and architectural study. Its most enduring milestone of 1989 was the formal creation of the Profile in Courage Award by members of the Kennedy family. Just five weeks before this photograph, Columbia Point hosted a major family gathering on May 25, 1989, attended by Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, Senator Ted Kennedy, Caroline Kennedy, and John F. Kennedy Jr., underscoring the Library’s growing national prominence a decade after its opening

John F. Kennedy Family House (1957), 3307 N StreetGeorgetown, Washington, D.C. (October 2003):

Author’s photograph.

June 1957 — A Georgetown Purchase In June 1957, Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy bought this three‑story Federal‑style house as a gift for his wife, Jacqueline Kennedy after the birth of their daughter, Caroline. Their son, John Jr., was also born while the family lived here.

Campaign Life at 3307 N Street During JFK’s 1958 Senate re‑election and the 1960 presidential campaign, Jackie hosted teas in the home’s double living room. The front entrance became nationally recognizable when President‑elect Kennedy stepped outside to announce major appointments — including naming his younger brother and campaign manager, Robert F. Kennedy as U.S. Attorney General.

President-Elect John F. Kennedy and Chester Bowles emerge from a breakfast conference at Kennedy’s Georgetown home in Washington, on Nov. 29, 1960. Bowles was appointed Under Secretary of State and later was Kennedy and Johnson’s ambassador to India.

January 20, 1961 — Departure for History On the morning of January 20, 1961, Kennedy famously left from this doorstep to travel to the U.S. Capitol for his swearing‑in as the 35th President of the United States. The house was sold later that year when the family moved into the White House.

Early 19th‑Century Origins Beyond its presidential associations, the home was originally built in 1811–12 for William Marbury (1762–1835), the financier and plaintiff in the landmark 1803 Supreme Court case Marbury v. Madison — the decision that established the foundational principle of judicial review.

The Garden Refuge The Kennedys used the brick‑walled garden at 3307 N Street as a quiet refuge, especially during the 1960 campaign. With JFK traveling constantly, he rarely found time for his painting hobby, though he did spend occasional Sunday afternoons in the garden with Jackie and Caroline, away from the public spotlight.

Aesthetic Balance Inside the home, Jackie’s classical European taste was balanced with historical maritime art and paintings of naval vessels — a nod to Kennedy’s U.S. Navy service and lifelong passion for the sea.

Massachusetts: The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site (Birthplace, 1917), Brookline, Massachusetts (July 1989) (August 2005):

July 1989 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site at 83 Beals Street preserves the birthplace and early childhood home of the 35th president. The house, built in 1909 by local architect‑builder Robert M. Goode, is a two‑and‑a‑half‑story Colonial Revival structure with a green‑shingled exterior, an asymmetric cross‑gabled roof, prominent dormers, and a front porch topped by an upper balustrade deck. It stands in Brookline’s Coolidge Corner neighborhood, a dense early‑20th‑century streetcar suburb of tree‑lined residential blocks bordering Boston.

Three Kennedy children were born in the second‑floor master bedroom: John F. Kennedy on May 29, 1917; Rosemary Kennedy on September 13, 1918; and Kathleen Kennedy on February 20, 1920. Their older brother, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., was born in Hull, and the later five siblings — including Bobby and Ted — were born around the corner in the larger family home on Abbottsford Road.

August 2005 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site in Brookline, Massachusetts. Author’s photograph.

JFK’s birthplace and childhood home—stands on Beals Street in the Boston suburbs. Joseph Patrick Kennedy purchased the house in August 1914, just ahead of his October marriage to Rose Elizabeth Fitzgerald. A driven, opportunistic young bank president and businessman, he began building his fortune during World War I through shipbuilding contracts in the Quincy yards. In Brookline, Joe Kennedy was an affectionate father who fostered a spirited sense of competition among the Kennedy children, shaping the family ethos that would define their later public lives.

August 2005 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site in Brookline, Massachusetts. Author’s photograph.

John F. Kennedy was born in this upstairs master bedroom of this Beals Street home in the mid-afternoon (3 p.m.) on Tuesday, May 29, 1917, an unseasonably cold (44 degrees), overcast, and rainy day. The family lived on Beals Street until 1920, then moved a short walk away to a larger house on Abbottsford Road, where they remained until 1927 before relocating to New York. Rose Fitzgerald—daughter of Boston’s first American‑born Irish mayor—had seven of her nine children in Brookline and was reluctant to leave. John F. Kennedy was her second child and son.

In Brookline, Joe Kennedy, son of a local pol and saloonkeeper, instilled a competitive spirit in his children, while Rose, who had studied in Europe, taught them an appreciation for the arts and history. A devout Catholic, Rose took her children on weekday walks to market and then to church, reinforcing their faith as part of daily life, not just Sundays.

After Joseph P. Kennedy sold the Beals Street house to family friend Edward Moore, the property passed through several owners over the next four decades. Following JFK’s assassination in 1963, thousands of mourners visited the home, turning it into an impromptu pilgrimage site. In 1966, the current owners agreed to sell the house back to the Kennedy family so it could be preserved as a permanent memorial.

Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy then led a full restoration of the interior, working from her own memories and period décor to recreate the exact appearance of the home as it looked on the day John F. Kennedy was born in 1917. When the project was complete, the Kennedy family donated the property to the National Park Service in 1969, establishing what is now the John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site. Rose Kennedy said she gave the house to the American people so that “future generations will be able to visit it and see how people lived in 1917 and thus get a better appreciation of the history of this wonderful country.” see – https://www.nps.gov/jofi/index.htm – retrieved May 29, 2025.

February 26, 1962 Voice of America speech:

(56 seconds). “We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.” -John F. Kennedy, Voice of America speech, February 26, 1962.

In a 1962 address to the Voice of America, President John F. Kennedy defined the organization’s mission as a duty to champion truth, transparency, and the free flow of information, even when revealing internal “blemishes and warts.” He emphasized that a free nation must not fear truth and that the “burden of truth” serves the cause of freedom.

SPEAKING OF FREEDOM OF INFORMATION IN A FREE COUNTRY TO THE ENTIRE WORLD: “The Voice of America speaks. Today America has been at war for 79 days. Daily at this time we shall speak to you about America and the war, and the news may be good or bad. We shall tell you the truth”…
…We seek a free flow of information across national boundaries and oceans, across iron curtains and stone walls. We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.
The Voice of America thus carries a heavy responsibility. Its burden of truth is not easy to bear. …And as you tell it, it spreads. And as it spreads, not only is the security of the United States assisted, but the cause of freedom.”
See – https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-20th-anniversary-the-voice-america – retrieved May 29, 2025.

November 22, 1963 — Fort Worth Remarks Before the Texas Hotel:

November 22, 1963 – President John F. Kennedy’s remarks in front of the Texas Hotel, Fort Worth, TX. – retrieved November 23, 2025. (3.18 minutes).

On a rainy morning in front of the Texas Hotel in Fort Worth, President John F. Kennedy delivered brief remarks at a citizen’s rally. He outlined three pillars of national security: military strength, economic prosperity, and superiority in space exploration, noting that Fort Worth would again “play its proper part.”

KENNEDY: “What we are trying to do in this country and what we are trying to do around the world, I believe, is quite simple: and that is to build a military structure which will defend the vital interests of the United States. And in that great cause, Fort Worth, as it did in World War II, as it did in developing the best bomber system in the world, the B‑58, and as it will now do in developing the best fighter system in the world, the TFX, Fort Worth will play its proper part. And that is why we have placed so much emphasis in the last 3 years in building a defense system second to none, until now the United States is stronger than it has ever been in its history. And secondly, we believe that the new environment, space, the new sea, is also an area where the United States should be second to none.”

August 2005. National Portrait Gallery, Washington, D.C. Jacqueline Kennedy, the King of Hearts – Stop Action Reaction, 1997, by Tian Mion (b. 1960). see – https://www.si.edu/object/jacqueline-kennedy-king-hearts-stop-action-reaction:npg_S_NPG.2007.6 – retrieved May 29, 2025.

November 22, 1963 — The Johnsons Telephone Their Condolences to Rose Kennedy in the Immediate Aftermath of the Assassination:

November 22, 1963 — Rose and Joe Kennedy at Hyannis Port

On a clear “bluebird” morning at the Hyannis Port compound, Rose Kennedy followed her usual routine, attending morning Mass before returning home for lunch with Joe, who remained severely impaired from his 1961 stroke. After a short drive together, Rose received a call from her son, Attorney General Robert Kennedy: the President—her son Jack—had been shot in Dallas. A second call soon followed, confirming he was dead.

Rose withdrew to grieve in solitude, walking the beach and sitting quietly in her room, later reflecting that she asked God how decades of preparing her children for service could be undone in seconds. At approximately 4:15 p.m., she took a call from the new president, Lyndon Johnson, speaking from Air Force One shortly after being sworn in and as he returned to Washington with President Kennedy’s body. Composed, Rose addressed him as “Mr. President.”

June 11, 1963 — Oval Office Report to the American People on Civil Rights:

This nation was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

May 27, 1963 — Supreme Court Signals an End to Evasion of Brown v. Board

On May 27, 1963, the Supreme Court declared that it would no longer tolerate evasions of its 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling. The statement came in another desegregation case involving public parks. When the Court issued Brown in 1954, it could not have foreseen the years of delay and resistance that followed.

June 5–10, 1963 — Federal Orders and Kennedy’s Warning to Wallace

On June 5, a federal court enjoined Alabama Governor George Wallace from obstructing the admission of two qualified Black students to the University of Alabama. President John F. Kennedy reinforced the order on June 10, writing to Wallace and urging him not to interfere.

June 11, 1963 — Wallace “Stands in the Schoolhouse Door”

On June 11, Wallace carried out his pledge to “stand in the schoolhouse door,” physically blocking the students from enrolling. When he refused to yield to federal marshals, Kennedy nationalized the Alabama National Guard. Guard troops arrived, Wallace stepped aside, and the students entered and registered for classes.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PTHowggASwY

June 11, 1963 — Kennedy’s Civil Rights Address from the Oval Office

That evening, Kennedy delivered his “Report to the American People on Civil Rights” from the Oval Office. In a 13‑minute address, he set out the moral and legal issues surrounding civil rights and previewed legislation that would become the Civil Rights Act of 1964. After two cautious years, the speech marked a decisive shift: Kennedy gave a full‑throated endorsement of civil rights and federal action to secure them.

June 12–13, 1963 — The Murder of Medgar Evers and Local Repression

In the early hours of June 12, civil rights leader Medgar Evers, who had listened to Kennedy’s remarks, was assassinated outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi. On June 13, Jackson police arrested 82 Black marchers protesting Evers’s murder. Within a week, a white suspect was arrested and charged.

June 19, 1963 — Kennedy Sends His Civil Rights Bill to Congress

On June 19, Kennedy asked Congress to introduce his civil rights bill, seeking desegregation of public facilities, federal action to end job discrimination, and authority for the Attorney General to initiate desegregation suits.

Summer 1963 — Civil Rights Leaders Reject a Pause in Demonstrations

As Congressional debate and filibuster began, Kennedy asked civil rights leaders to suspend protests and marches. They refused. Instead, they announced a March for Jobs and Freedom in Washington, D.C., to take place in August 1963.

See- Kennedy and the Press, edit. Harold W. Chase and Allen H. Lerman, introduction by Pierre Salinger, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York, 1965, p. 452.

June 26, 1963 Berlin speech at Rudolph Wilde Platz
November 21, 1963 —Texas motorcade & remarks at the dedication of the Aerospace Medical Health Center, San Antonio
August 1, 1963color recording of remarks for “Seas Around Us”
September 12, 1962 Moon speech, Rice University, Houston, Texas

(27 seconds).

April 27, 1961Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City:

https://youtu.be/cgHGg8PiAqo?si=aSZpzJKa_NEeHsP4 – retrieved November 1, 2025. For transcript of speech SEE – The President and the Press: Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, April 27, 1961 | JFK Library

On April 27, 1961, President John F. Kennedy delivered his 2400-word+ major speech known as “President and the Press” before the American Newspaper Publishers Association at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City. In the speech delivered just days after the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion the new president made a plea for responsible journalism in the face of Cold War threats. The remarks remain relevant today on the topics of press freedom, misinformation, and national security.

I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed. see – https://www.jfklibrary.org/archives/other-resources/john-f-kennedy-speeches/american-newspaper-publishers-association-19610427#:~:text=This%20Administration%20intends%20to%20be,out%20when%20we%20miss%20them. – retrieved March 25, 2025.
It was early in the 17th century that Francis Bacon [1561-1626] remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations, first forged by THE COMPASS have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world’s efforts to live together, the evolution of GUNPOWDER to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure. And, so, it is to the PRINTING PRESS–to the recorder of man’s deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news–that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers–I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: “An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.” We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.

John F. Kennedy 1960 Campaign Ad For Social Security:

JOHN F. KENNEDY: we do not rely merely on the past we look forward in this country we fight the same battle that he fought we find it easier because he fought it but it is now our battle. so that this country moves ahead. (6) John F. Kennedy [Democratic] 1960 Campaign Ad “Hyde Park – Social Security” – YouTube – retrieved August 14, 2025. (4.41 minutes).

The Origins of Social Security

When Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Social Security Act on August 14, 1935, he called the new federal retirement program a “cornerstone.” It became one of the central pillars of the New Deal and a defining feature of modern American social policy.

A Personal Reflection from 1998

In 1998, at a Chicago book signing for The Virtues of Aging, I met former President Jimmy Carter and asked whether he believed Social Security was destined to disappear. Carter replied that he did not think so, a view reflecting the long‑standing bipartisan commitment to the program’s survival.

Social Security Under Strain in 2026

By 2026, Social Security faces unprecedented pressure. The aging population has surged: 75 million seniors now receive benefits—three times the number in 1975. Meanwhile, a smaller workforce contributes payroll taxes to support a rapidly growing pool of beneficiaries. Trust‑fund reserves are being depleted, and insolvency is projected for the mid‑2030s.

Kennedy’s 1960 Visit to Hyde Park

During the 1960 presidential campaign, Democratic nominee John F. Kennedy visited Hyde Park, New York, the national shrine home of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The occasion marked the 25th anniversary of the Social Security Act. Kennedy addressed 2,000 senior citizens gathered to honor Roosevelt and hear the young senator outline his vision for strengthening the program.

Kennedy’s Proposals for America’s Aging Population

In his remarks, Kennedy advanced a series of proposals aimed at improving the lives of older Americans and modernizing Social Security. Among them:

  • Federal medical care — a precursor to Medicare, which would be enacted in 1965.
  • Cost‑of‑living adjustments — automatic increases to keep pace with inflation, implemented in 1975.
  • Incentives for continued work — allowing older Americans to earn more without losing benefits.
  • Vocational guidance — support for retirees seeking new roles or training.
  • Adequate housing — expanding federal efforts to provide safe, affordable homes for seniors.
  • Medical research — increased study of diseases associated with aging.
  • Higher survivor benefits — expanded support for spouses caring for under‑age children.

A Continuity of Purpose

Kennedy’s 1960 message echoed Roosevelt’s original vision: Social Security was not merely a retirement program but a national commitment to dignity, security, and opportunity in old age. His proposals anticipated many reforms that would shape the program in the decades to come.

March 29, 1962—News Conference 29:

The Tax Cut Bill Advances in Congress

The press conference occurred the same week the House Ways and Means Committee approved President Kennedy’s tax cut bill. At the same time, Kennedy emphasized the need to close tax loopholes that permitted and encouraged American industries to invest overseas.

(6) John F. Kennedy’s HILARIOUS response to a woman’s question. – YouTube – retrieved July 21, 2025.

Revenue Neutrality as a Central Congressional Concern

Congress was focused on balancing the revenue lost from tax cuts with revenue gained through tax reforms, aiming to produce a revenue‑neutral bill. The effort was conceived as a targeted economic stimulus—not the broad‑brush solution tax cuts later became in national economic debates, nor the inverse approach of sweeping tax hikes.

Balancing Cuts and Reforms in the 1962 Legislation

The 1962 tax bill was modified and passed with this balancing principle in mind. Kennedy proposed significant reductions in tax rates for individuals and corporations, acknowledging that such cuts would initially reduce federal revenue. Broadly pro‑growth, the plan was not a modern‑style tax giveaway; policymakers believed the country could not afford such an approach. Instead, the goal was to offset revenue losses through reforms that generated compensating gains.

Sources of Revenue Gains

Revenue increases for the government came from several reforms, including:

  • Eliminating the dividend credit and exclusion
  • Introducing withholding taxes on dividends and interest
  • Restricting business expense deductions, particularly for entertainment and meals
  • Adjusting tax treatment for cooperatives and financial institutions
  • Revising taxation of gains from the sale of depreciable property

Short‑Term Losses and Long‑Term Contrast

Although the final Revenue Act of 1962 resulted in a short‑term net revenue loss, it still reflected Kennedy’s intent to pair tax cuts with offsetting reforms. Later economic approaches—particularly those associated with Reagan‑era tax policy—introduced large tax cuts skewed toward higher‑income earners without corresponding revenue‑generating reforms, relying exclusively on growth‑driven revenue effects to offset massive revenue losses. Combined with increased federal spending, this produced persistent deficit financing that Kennedy could not have imagined.

Kennedy’s Fiscal Aim in 1962

In 1962, Kennedy sought both a tax cut and a balanced budget, a pairing that underscores how different his fiscal strategy was from later eras of tax policy.


March 7, 1962—News Conference 26:

On February 22, 1962, Soviet Premier Khrushchev proposed that at the upcoming U.N.-sponsored Geneva Disarmament Conference on March 14 that the heads of government meet.

Kennedy rejected the offer, though he was afterwards pressured by European allies to reconsider and probed by the U.S. press if he would possibly attend and so backtrack on his statements. He maintained his firm position against attending the opening of the Geneva Disarmament Conference on March 14, 1962. Instead of traveling to Switzerland himself, Kennedy appointed Arthur H. Dean as the Chairman of the U.S. Delegation and sent Secretary of State Dean Rusk to handle the initial high-level negotiations.

Kennedy later outlined the manner of his going to any sort of summit conference in the near future— 1. to ratify an agreement 2. if there was a serious international crisis or the U.S. was on the brink of war 3. To aid the national interest.

The outcome to that spring’s lengthy Geneva talks was announced by Kennedy about 5 weeks after its opening: that negotiators had reached a broad outline for the objectives and principles, basic provisions and timings of a general treaty on nuclear disarmament.

Six months later the Cuban Missile Crisis took place.

April 30, 1963 — April 30, 1963 — Kennedy’s Remarks to Choate Alumni:

On May 4, 1963, President Kennedy broadcast taped remarks to the alumni of his alma mater, The Choate School, commemorating the unveiling of his official portrait on the campus in Wallingford, Connecticut.

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zp4alOCiqCo – retrieved February 27, 2026.

A Line That Defined an Inauguration

The phrase most associated with John F. Kennedy’s 1961 Inaugural Address—“Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country”—endured as a defining call to civic action. Delivered by the nation’s first Catholic president, it urged Americans to see national progress as a shared personal duty rather than a service provided by government.

Echoes in Years of Lightning, Day of Drums (1965)

Its resonance appears again in the 1965 documentary Years of Lightning, Day of Drums, one of the earliest films to chronicle Kennedy’s presidency and assassination. Near the conclusion, narrator Gregory Peck reflects, “All this took place in the early 1960s, and someday the early 1960s will be a long time ago.” Hearing that line as a child, I felt its existential reminder: even the most vivid present moments eventually recede into memory and become history.

Possible Origins at Choate

Some historians have suggested that Kennedy’s inaugural exhortation may trace back to his years at Choate, the Connecticut boarding school he entered in 1931 as a ninth‑grade student. In his chapel addresses, headmaster George St. John frequently reminded students: “The youth who loves his alma mater will always ask not ‘what can she do for me?’ but ‘what can I do for her?’” Kennedy would have heard this refrain repeatedly during his formative years.

A Frail Student with a Mischievous Streak

Kennedy arrived at Choate following his older brother, Joe Jr., a standout athlete two years ahead of him. By contrast, Kennedy was frail, thin, and saddled with the nickname “rat face” among classmates. His early years were marked less by distinction than by mischief. He gathered around him a circle of friends he called “The Muckers Club,” a tongue‑in‑cheek embrace of St. John’s term for troublemakers. Their antics were largely harmless—witty pranks and playful irreverence—and the group included Kennedy’s roommate and lifelong friend, Lem Billings.

A Shift in Trajectory

Despite his unremarkable start, Kennedy’s trajectory at Choate changed. By the time he graduated in 1935, he was not valedictorian, but his peers voted him “Most Likely to Succeed,” a judgment that reflected what followed.

JFK, May 4, 1963: First, it is to make sure that our private schools are increasingly representative of the diversity of American life. These schools will not survive if they become the exclusive possession of a single class or creed or color. They will enlarge their influence only as they incorporate within themselves the variety which accounts for so much of the drive and the creativity of the American tradition. The second is to make sure that our private schools prepare young men and women for service to the community and to the Nation. The inheritance of wealth creates responsibilities; so does privilege in education.

May 19, 1962 — Birthday Party for President Kennedy at Madison Square Garden:

Marilyn Monroe Sings Happy Birthday Mr. President to JFK | Netflix https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mqsikkkyy_s – retrieved May 29, 2024.

On May 19, 1962—ten days before President Kennedy turned 45—more than 15,000 people packed Madison Square Garden for his birthday celebration, a star‑studded night of politicians, entertainers, and Hollywood royalty. The evening became legendary when Marilyn Monroe stepped onto the main stage in a sheer, flesh‑colored gown studded with 2,500 rhinestones and delivered her breathy rendition of “Happy Birthday, Mr. President” as a giant cake was brought out.

Kennedy followed her to the microphone and quipped, “I can now retire from politics after having had Happy Birthday sung to me in such a sweet, wholesome way,” a wink at Monroe’s sultry delivery and famously skintight dress.

Monroe had flown to New York with jazz pianist Hank Jones, leaving the troubled production of Something’s Got to Give to make the cross‑country appearance. The decision cost her: 20th Century‑Fox fired her in June 1962 for violating her contract. Kennedy attended the event alone; Jackie Kennedy skipped the celebration entirely, spending the day at the Loudoun Benefit Horse Show in Virginia with Caroline and John Jr.

The Madison Square Garden performance would become one of Monroe’s final public appearances before her death that August.

February 26, 1962President John F. Kennedy presented astronaut John Glenn with the NASA Distinguished Service Medal at the White House:

(26) John F. Kennedy presents a medal to Colonel John Herschel Glenn Jr at the White …HD Stock Footage – YouTube – retrieved July 18, 2026.

Astronaut John Glenn, born July 18, 1921, was part of NASA’s first astronaut group and became the first American to orbit Earth three times on February 20, 1962. Six days later, on February 26, 1962, President John F. Kennedy presented him with the NASA Distinguished Service Medal at the White House—a ceremony meant both to honor Glenn and to bolster national confidence during the Space Race.

The color footage (no sound) shows Kennedy awarding the medal with Glenn’s wife, Annie, and their children, John David (16) and Carolyn “Lyn” Glenn (14), standing beside him.

Glenn visited the Kennedy White House at least four times. He returned on May 3, 1962, as JFK welcomed Glenn and Soviet cosmonaut Gherman Titov to the Oval Office to discuss their historic flights and encourage international space cooperation. About six weeks before Dallas, on October 10, 1963, Kennedy presented Glenn, joined by the rest of the Mercury Seven astronauts, with the National Aeronautic Association’s 1962 Robert J. Collier Trophy for pioneering American manned spaceflight.

Glenn retired from NASA in 1964 and became A US Senator from Ohio for a quarter of a century (1974-1999). As a sitting senator, 77-year-old Glenn returned to space in 1999 on shuttle Discovery. John Glenn died on December 8, 2016, at the age of 95

June 23-July 2, 1963 — President Kennedy’s 1963 European Tour:

In June and July 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a historic ten-day European tour, beginning with a four-day visit to West Germany and West Berlin. During a stop in Hanau on June 25, Kennedy stepped out of his motorcade to personally shake hands with the German police motorcycle escort that had guided him through streets lined with dense cheering crowds. The following day, June 26, he traveled to Berlin to deliver his celebrated “Ich bin ein Berliner” address on the steps of Rathbone Schöneberg that was attended by a crowd of 500,000. The trip continued as a triumphal circuit through Western Europe. In Ireland, Kennedy visited his ancestral homestead in Wexford and addressed the Irish Parliament. Moving on to the United Kingdom, he attended Sunday Mass at a small parish church in East Sussex (“Our Lady, Help of Christians”) before meeting with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. Finally, Kennedy concluded his journey in Italy on July 2 with a private audience with Pope Paul VI—securing a vital diplomatic meeting while carefully avoiding the new Pope’s formal installation ceremony just days prior.

This explanatory article is periodically updated.

August 28, 1963: the 72-minute MEETING AT THE WHITE HOUSE OF CIVIL RIGHTS LEADERS WITH PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY following the historic March On Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

FEATURE image: Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. (Leaders of the march posing in front of the statue of Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln Memorial.) by Rowland Scherman (b. 1937), for the U.S. Information Agency. Press and Publications Service. Public Domain/U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

Sensing a national breakthrough for civil rights, Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. joined civil rights leaders to plan a March on Washington for Wednesday, August 28, 1963. The great march filled the VIP section at the Lincoln Memorial and the National Mall to past the Washington Monument, a distance of almost one mile. The March on Washington is remembered for King’s “I Have a Dream” speech and the massive crowd’s hopeful jubilation. The meeting with President John F. Kennedy afterwards was more than a polite courtesy call to the White House–it helped coordinate political strategy for the movement that would have concrete ramifications for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 following Kennedy’s death.

By John P. Walsh

President John F. Kennedy watched the march—and Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech—from the White House on television.

Both Kennedy and King were young men—King was 34 years old, Kennedy was 46 years old. Mature beyond their years, each American proffered green oak in some ways—Kennedy was especially more personally sensitive than his “cool” public persona belied him to be. King, too, was mostly uncomfortable on August 28, 1963 with the particular attention, from the media and others, that he was receiving for his remarks at the Lincoln Memorial.

As the civil rights leaders filed into the Cabinet Room at the White House the first thing Kennedy said when he took King’s hand was “I have a dream…” The president was repeating King’s line that immediately impressed him and the nation when they heard it on TV live only a short time before.

King deflected the president’s compliment and immediately asked him what the president thought of United Automobile Workers president Walter Reuther’s excellent speech. It had included a criticism of Kennedy for defending freedom around the world but not always at home. Kennedy replied to King: “Oh, I’ve heard [Walter] plenty of times.”

King and Kennedy hardly talked any more during the visit, though when they did it led to an outcome for action.

Civil Rights leaders in this group photograph at the Lincoln Memorial followed-up the March on Washington with a visit to the White House to meet President Kennedy. Seated left to right: National Urban League executive director Whitney Young (1921-1971); chairman of the Demonstration Committee Cleveland Robinson (1914-1995); labor union leader A. Philip Randolph (1889-1979); Dr. Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. (1929-1968); National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) leader Roy Wilkins (1901-1981). Standing left to right: director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice Matthew Ahmann (1931-2001); Rabbi Joachim Prinz (1902-1998); Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) leader John Lewis (1940-2020); Protestant minister Eugene Carson Blake (1906-1985); Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) leader Floyd McKissick (1922-1991); labor union leader Walter Reuther (1907-1970).

Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., speaking at the March on Washington from the Lincoln Memorial on August 28, 1963. Following the successful march for jobs and freedom, civil rights leaders went to the White House to visit with President Kennedy and pushed measures to strengthen the Civil Rights bill.

Kennedy and NAACP leader Roy Wilkins talked at length about strengthening the civil rights bill following that day’s completely peaceful march. King moved away from the president and down the line to near then-23-year-old John Lewis, head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

One section to the civil rights bill these activists wanted the president to add was a ban on employment exclusion based on race.

As White House and other photographers filmed and snapped pictures of the historic White House meeting of leading progressive personalities of the early 1960s, the civil rights leaders told the president about the accelerating automation in the job market that would potentially depress the availability of jobs.

They also discussed the plight of the inner city, telling Kennedy that Black teenagers were dropping out of school in epidemic numbers. A. Philip Randolph told the president that the entire current generation of young Blacks “had no faith” in whites. They also dismissed Black leadership, government and God. To these young Americans, U.S. society as it was presently constituted meant nothing to them but despair.

During the visit, Kennedy was lobbied to re-insert into the act a section that was stripped in 1957 giving authority to the Attorney General to investigate and initiate lawsuits on behalf of blatant civil rights infringements.

President Kennedy responded that with Robert Kennedy, his Attorney General, he had looked into joblessness and the school drop-out rate among Blacks in Chicago and New York City. At the August 28, 1963 meeting Kennedy encouraged the civil rights leaders to have the Black community do more.

“It seems to me,” the president said, “with all the influence that all you gentleman have in the Negro community that we could emphasize…educating [your]children, on making them study, making them stay in school and all the rest.”

White House, August 28, 1963, meeting with President Kennedy after the march.

Any add-ons now to the civil rights bill joined existing legislation that was already on the brink of defeat in the Democrat-controlled Senate and too close to call in a Democrat-controlled House.

Despite these close margins, Wilkins countered that the Speaker of the House had assured him that an even stronger civil rights bill could pass the House and would work to pressure the Senate to act. Wilkins suggested that the president go over the heads of the Congress who obstructed passage of the bill and lead a crusade to win voter approval for the civil rights measures.

Kennedy replied frankly to the leaders that civil rights must be a bipartisan effort. For a Democrat president to lead a crusade would allow Republicans to support civil rights and blame the Democrats for it which would hurt the Democratic Party in the South. Kennedy assured the civil rights leaders that “treacherous” political games were being played in the Federal legislature on the bill by both Republicans and Democrats.

Kennedy was countered again – this time by Walter Reuther.

“Look, you can’t escape this problem,“ the white labor leader said, “and there are two ways of resolving it—either by reason or riots. But now the civil war is not gonna be fought at Gettysburg, it’s gonna be fought in your backyard, in your plant, where your kids are growing up.” Reuther further told JFK he didn’t much like the young president’s “seminar” style of governing where “you call a big meeting…and nothing happens.” Reuther told Kennedy that he preferred his vice-president’s governing style where Lyndon B. Johnson “jawbone[d]” an issue until he would “get difficult things done.”

King stayed silent for most of this back and forth debate. When King finally spoke he asked JFK that if the sitting president led a crusade then perhaps his predecessor, Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower, might get involved. It would then, King suggested, become the bipartisan push Kennedy was looking for.

Kennedy snapped back at King: “No, it won’t.”

In reply, King made a knowing joke: “Doesn’t [President Eisenhower] happen to be in the other denomination?”

Ike’s personal pastor was Rev. Eugene Blake who was in the Cabinet Room. Blake, a powerful force and no pushover, had been the march’s only white speaker.

One reason that Rev. Blake spoke at the march was that he had been arrested in a civil rights demonstration in Baltimore and had gone to jail.

Just hours earlier, Rev. Blake orated: “We come late, late we come, in the reconciling and repentant spirit.” The Protestant clergyman embraced the march’s agenda of civil and economic rights for African Americans and the end to racism. Still, Blake rejected words like “revolution” and “the masses” used by some civil rights activists.

At that day’s White House visit, Blake told Kennedy that Ike could be approached about civil rights. The president pivoted and urged Blake to visit the former president at his home in Gettysburg to discover any political role Ike might be willing to take for the civil rights bill. Kennedy advised: “And include a Catholic and maybe a businessman or two.”

Then pointing to Reuther, Kennedy lightly said: “And leave Walter in the background.” Amid chuckles, Kennedy then left the room of civil rights leaders. Before exiting, the president turned to assure them he would keep in touch on the civil rights bill in the months ahead.

SOURCES:

TAYLOR BRANCH, PARTING THE WATERS AMERICA IN THE KING YEARS 1954-1963. NEW YORK: SIMON & SCHUSTER, 1988.

DAVID GARROW, BEARING THE CROSS: MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., AND THE SOUTHERN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE, WILLIAM MORROW AND COMPANY, 1986.

On August 28, 1963 about 250,000 peaceful protesters descended on Washington, D.C. for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The march was one of the largest political rallies for human rights in United States history.

OTHER VOICES AT THE MARCH:

Harry Belafonte (1927-2023) was born in New York City died there at 96 years old. Harry Belafonte won a Tony, an Emmy, and 3 Grammy Awards in his career as a film actor and singer that stretched over 70 years. Belafonte was also a civil rights activist who brought and introduced a rafter of Hollywood A-list entertainers to the March On Washington for Jobs and Freedom on August 28, 1963 where Dr. King gave his “I Have a Dream” speech.

Among the more than 200-250,000 attendees at the march were these Hollywood stars. Belafonte chartered a plane from Los Angeles for the historic event to show their support for what was going on in the civil rights movement in America. The great march filled the VIP section at the Lincoln Memorial and the National Mall to past the Washington Monument, a distance of almost one mile. The mood of this massive crowd was one of hopeful jubilation. Afterwards, Dr. King and other civil rights leaders went to the White House to meet with President Kennedy. There they talked about the march, and discussed what was ahead in terms of social conditions and the civil rights movement, including the legislative effort that led to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 following Kennedy’s death. Some of the artists and film stars at the Lincoln Memorial that day in addition to Harry Belafonte were Marlon Brando, Rita Moreno, James Garner, Tony Franciosa, Sammy Davis, Jr., Joanne Woodward, Paul Newman, Susan Strasberg, Burt Lancaster, Robert Ryan, Gregory Peck, Anthony Quinn, James Baldwin, Lena Horne, Ruby Dee, Sidney Poitier, Charlton Heston and several more.

REMARKS BY HARRY BELAFONTE: “We are here to bear witness to what we know. We know that this country, America, to which we are committed, and which we love, aspires to become that country in which all men are free. We also know that freedom is not license. Everyone in a democracy ought to be free to vote. But no one has the license to oppress or demoralize another. We also know or we would not be here, that the American negro has endured for many generations in this country which he helped to build the most intolerable injustices. To be a negro in this country means several unpleasant things. In the Deep South it often means he is prevented from exercising his right to vote by all manner of intimidation up to and including death. This fact of intimidation is a great weight in the life of any negro and though it varies in degree it never varies in intent which is simply to limit, to demoralize and to keep in subservient status more than 20 million negro people. We are here, therefore, to protest this evil and make known our resolve to do everything we can possibly do to bring it to an end. As artists and as human beings we rejoice in the knowledge that human experience has no color and that excellence in any endeavor is the fruit of individual labor and love. We believe artists have a valuable function in any society since it is the artists who reveal society to itself. But any society that ceases to respect the human aspirations of all its citizens courts political chaos and artistic sterility. We need the energies of these people to whom we have for so long denied full humanity. We need their vigor, their joy, the authority which their pain has brought them and cutting ourselves off from them then we are punishing and diminishing ourselves. As long as we do so our society is in great danger. Our growth as artists is severely menaced and no American can boast of freedom since he cannot be considered an example of it. We are here then in an attempt to strike the chains of the ex-master no less than the ex-slave and to invest with reality that deep and universal longing which has sometimes been called the American Dream.”

PHOTO CREDITS:

Hundreds of thousands descended on Washington, D.C.’s, Lincoln Memorial Aug. 28, 1963. Public Domain/U.S. Government Photo.

Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. (Leaders of the march posing in front of the statue of Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln Memorial.) by Rowland Scherman (b. 1937), for the U.S. Information Agency. Press and Publications Service. Public Domain/U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

Martin Luther King, Jr., speaking from the Lincoln Memorial during the March on Washington by Rowland Scherman (b. 1937), for the U.S. Information Agency. Press and Publications Service. Public Domain/U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. (Aerial view of Washington Monument showing marchers.) U.S. Information Agency. Press and Publications Service. Public Domain/U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

Leaders of the march leading marchers down the street. U.S. Information Agency. Press and Publications Service. Public Domain/U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

INTERNATIONAL CRISES ACROSS A NUCLEAR AGE: On Donald Trump’s North Korea Crisis (2017) and John F. Kennedy’s Cuban Missile Crisis (1962).

FEATURE image: Hawker-Siddeley Blue Steel was started privately in 1954. A contract was placed in 1956 for a stand-off missile to carry a thermonuclear device with a 1 megaton yield by the British Ministry of Supply. Blue Steel was powered by two Armstrong Siddeley Motors that were ignited on launch and enabled the missile to fly at supersonic speed. The missile was constructed of stainless steel with surfaces manufactured of titanium steel. Blue Steel first entered service in 1962 and remained as Britain’s nuclear deterrent until 1970. (see- https://www.rafmuseum.org.uk/research/collections/hawker-siddeley-blue-steel/) “Hawker Siddeley Blue Steel” by hugh llewelyn is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0.

By John P. Walsh, dated August 9, 2017

In addition to Twitter, the media tells us that U.S. President Donald J. Trump loves to watch a lot of TV. Has he seen the film: Virtual JFK (2008)?

“Does it matter,” the film’s narrator states, “who is president on issues of war and peace? Can a president make a decisive difference in matters of war and peace? Can a president decisively lead his country into war or keep his country out of war? Or are the forces that drive nations into conflict far more impersonal (and) out of the control of any human being, even a president?”

Donald J. Trump and John F. Kennedy. Similar to JFK in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, Trump in 2017 must use the military and moral strength of the U.S. to seek and find a conclusion so that North Korea changes course on their nuclear weapons peacefully. Fair use.

Nine nations stockpile around 16,300 nuclear weapons. The U.S. possesses less than half of them.

In 2014 nine nations around the world—including North Korea—have around 16,300 nuclear weapons. Estimates are that North Korea’s arsenal today may be about 20 warheads or higher. In descending order of warhead amounts, the other nuclear states are Russia (8,000 warheads), the U.S.A. (7,300), France (300), China (250), the UK (225), India and Pakistan (about 100 each) and Israel (80).

According to the National Security Archive, the last tactical nuclear weapons left Cuba in December 1962. For a rogue state such as North Korea to possess nuclear weapons is dangerous and unpredictable to the region and world.

Like JFK in the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, the U.S. must use its military and moral strength to seek and find a conclusion so that North Korea changes course on their nuclear weapons peacefully. Exactly what that change should look like is an important debate not explored here, but the U.S. must not or never start or provoke a nuclear war to achieve it.

Kennedy prepared for nuclear war during the Cuban Missile Crisis, but always carefully stayed away from pulling the trigger. There can be no close analogy between Cuba, 90 miles off American shores, in 1962 and North Korea, over 6,000 miles away, in 2017.

The Cold War by the early 1960’s had become a well-worn competitive geopolitical game that hadn’t completely played itself out. The Russians built a wall in Berlin in 1961; Kennedy quarantined Cuba in 1962. In the Cuban Missile Crisis, the missiles were clearly Russian nukes. In 2017 what sources can Trump hold accountable for the North Korean weapons deployment in addition to the rogue regime? China? Russia? Iran? If Pyongyang is as remote and obscure today as the Kremlin was in Kennedy’s time, today’s political and military equations appear to be more tangled and complicated.

JFK: “It will be worse before it gets better.”

Any calculations for war must include those who may or will get killed – and how many. Is American “hyper” power any good if its allies are casualties on a massive scale? No nuclear exchange must result with a hermit kingdom dictator who is not a friend of the U.S. or its allies in the region – especially if war may incalculably spread.

If the U.S. has allies in the true meaning of the word then an attack on them by North Korea (or China or Russia) is equal to an attack on the homeland – otherwise what’s the point of the U.S. having allies at all? The U.S. must protect its allies in the region to the highest degree so to defend and preserve its esteemed alliances. In this ongoing dangerous politico-military standoff there are ramifications with severe strong risk for the U.S. as a global superpower and markedly in East Asia. North Korea must somehow stand down for there to be success from the perspective of the U.S and its allies.

Similar to the Cuban Missile Crisis that endured for 13 straight days—the Korean crisis has gone on arguably for over 60 years — patience and cool-headed leadership joined to a calibration of carrot and stick (preferring the carrot) should serve as worthwhile qualities so to craft a necessarily peaceful and successful outcome.

“Because of the ingenuity of science and man’s own inability to control his relations one with another,” said JFK in 1961 in Virtual JFK, “we happen to live in the most dangerous time in the history of the human race.” The film states that experienced military advisers believed that whenever Americans committed military force – they won the conflict.

Kennedy avoided war –and was almost impeached for it.

But as frequent and strong pressure by many advisers is put on Kennedy to commit the U.S. to a war, the president time and again chose to avoid both conventional and nuclear war. 

It may not be well remembered today but after the failure of the Bay of Pigs in 1961, there was talk of John Kennedy’s impeachment for incompetence. Many in his own Democratic party wouldn’t support him because they had convinced themselves he wasn’t a serious political leader.

JFK: “The United States as the world knows will never start a war.”

In 2017 the defeat of 33-year-old Kim Jong-un’s nuclear threat short of war will not be simply a victory for the status quo but a step forward in terms of American leadership in that part of the world.

Carrot and stick

An actual war –even if nonnuclear and limited which is improbable -– cannot be in any civilized people’s self-interest. Certainly if Kim started a nuclear war, which is very remote but possible, war would come. As Trump stated plainly, on August 8, 2017, the U.S. response would be with “fire and fury.”

President Trump issues a stern warning to North Korea after the latest missile news, saying the nation “best not make any more threats to the United States.”

In October 1962 Kennedy’s speech to the nation on the Cuban Missile Crisis included his own “fiery” rhetoric:

“Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.”

JFK concluded with the overall purpose of his actions: “Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right – not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.”

In 2017 we may look for a resolution to the North Korea crisis where history repeats itself.

All through the Cold War Kennedy looked into the face of strategic MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) without blinking and then chose to evoke the better angels of our nature. At the United Nations in his first year as president (September 25, 1961) Kennedy exhorted the world’s representatives: “Together we shall save our planet – or together we shall perish in its flames. Save it we can.  Save it we must. Then shall we earn the eternal thanks of mankind and, as peacemakers, the eternal blessing of God.”

President Trump would do well to aspire to the same.

NOTES:

Nine nuclear nations – http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/nine-nations-have-nuclear-weapons-here-is-how-many-each-country-has-a6827916.html

about 20 warheads – http://www.express.co.uk/news/world/791436/north-korea-nuclear-weapons-kim-jong-un-how-many

Last Cuba warheads removed – http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB449/

Iran and North Korea – http://thediplomat.com/2016/04/the-iran-north-korea-connection/

fire and fury – https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/09/world/asia/north-korea-trump-threat-fire-and-fury.html?_r=0

United Nations speech – https://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Research-Aids/JFK-Speeches/United-Nations_19610925.aspx