Tag Archives: #CivilRights

John F. Kennedy and the Responsibilities of Power: Leadership in an Age of Crisis.

FEATURE image: Portrait of President John F. Kennedy (May 29, 1917–November 22, 1963), 35th U.S. Chief Executive. “President John F. Kennedy” by U.S. Embassy New Delhi is licensed under CC BY-ND 2.0.

Through his words, leadership during moments of crisis, commitment to democratic ideals, and enduring public legacy, John F. Kennedy emerges as a defining figure of mid-20th century America whose influence continues to shape debates about freedom, civil rights, public service, and presidential leadership.

January 3, 1960 — Kennedy Confronts Charges of “Divided Loyalties” on Meet the Press:

(20) Looking back at JFK discussing his faith 60 years after his assassination – YouTube – retrieved June 2, 2026.

January 3, 1960 — Announcement: One day after launching his campaign for the Democratic nomination, Kennedy immediately confronted a revived national anxiety: whether a Roman Catholic could serve as president without divided loyalties. As the first Catholic with a viable path to the White House, he faced sharp questioning over whether allegiance to the Pope might compromise his constitutional duties.

Religious Controversy: Kennedy moved quickly to defuse the issue. Kennedy, who happened to be Catholic, argued that religion should neither qualify nor disqualify a candidate. His position was deliberately universal. Though he made no excuses for his Catholic faith, he insisted that the presidency belongs to individuals, not categories. The controversy did not end there. In September 1960, before the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, he faced it down again, declaring that he was not the Catholic candidate for president, but the Democratic Party’s candidate who happened to be Catholic. The speech became the campaign’s clearest statement that personal identity must not become a political litmus test. He pledged to carry out the responsibilities of the presidency independent of any outside religious authority, rejecting both criticism and instruction. He argued for an uncompromising separation of church and state, stating that he would oppose a national church even if “99 percent” of Americans shared his faith.

Electoral Strategy: Beyond addressing religion, Kennedy used the NBC broadcast to outline his broader campaign logic. He rejected identity‑based ticket balancing, insisting that a major party’s presidential ticket should be shaped by geography and political experience rather than religious background.

Vice‑Presidential Speculation: He also dismissed rumors that he might accept the vice‑presidential slot, stating bluntly that he had no interest in “waiting for the president to die.” The unusually candid remark signaled his determination to run on his own terms and set the tone for the rest of his campaign.

September 13, 1962 — News conference:

I think – and I am sure this is the view of the people and the states- the right to vote is very basic. If we are going to neglect that right, then all of our talk about freedom is hollow. And therefore we shall give every protection that we can to anybody who is seeking the vote.

September 13, 1960 — Kennedy-Johnson Joint Campaign Appearance, Grand Prairie, Texas:

(starts @ 28 seconds) Grand Prairie, Texas, in September 1960. https://youtu.be/iJHrgw8-QEc?si=NMUyZjDxJZXTy1bi – retrieved November 2, 2025.

Above: One of the rare joint appearances of Senators John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson—the Democratic presidential ticket—in the 1960 campaign, which ultimately defeated the Republican ticket of Nixon–Lodge. During the second day of their Texas tour, the two men spoke to nearly 6,000 people in the parking lot of the Chance Vought Aircraft factory. It was at this stop that Kennedy was famously presented with a western cowboy hat, joking that he “didn’t have the guts to wear it” immediately. They also rode in a motorcade through the intersection of Main and Center streets in downtown Grand Prairie. Neither man was a natural campaigner: Kennedy’s hands often shook beneath a table or podium as he spoke, his voice growing hoarse, while Johnson, uneasy in crowds, frequently pushed himself into sick exhaustion on the trail.

Campaign Dynamics: Although both candidates wanted more joint appearances, their aides agreed such events mostly hurt the ticket’s image—especially Kennedy’s. Johnson was only nine years older, and both were the first U.S. presidents born in the 20th century, yet aides felt that when they stood together Kennedy looked almost like LBJ’s son. Still, the press and Johnson complained for weeks that the two men should campaign together more often, given the offices they sought.

Press Pressure: When reporters began hinting at a rift between the candidates as the reason for their limited joint schedule, the campaign arranged another appearance in November 1960, five days before Election Day. For that final joint even at the Biltmore in Los Angeles, Johnson flew out specifically to join Kennedy. The appearance received strong national print and television coverage, and on that Thursday before Americans went to the polls, both campaigns regarded it as a major success.

February 18, 1958 — Speech at Loyola College Alumni Banquet, Baltimore, Maryland:

Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer, but the right answer. Let us not seek to fix the blame for the past. Let us accept our own responsibility for the future.

The Cuban Missile Crisis lasted from October 16 to October 28, 1962. Critical Milestones:

October 16: Kennedy was first shown U‑2 photographs revealing Soviet nuclear missile installations in Cuba.

October 22: Kennedy announced a naval “quarantine” of Cuba in a televised address to the nation.

October 24: Soviet ships approached the blockade line but stopped or turned back to avoid confrontation.

October 27 — “Black Saturday”: A U‑2 was shot down over Cuba, and a Soviet submarine was forced to surface by U.S. Navy signaling, marking the peak of the crisis.

October 28: Premier Nikita Khrushchev announced that the Soviet Union would dismantle and remove the missiles, ending the 13‑day standoff.

FROM 13 DAYS (2000). JFK: BOB, IS THERE ANY WAY TO AVOID STOPPING THE SUBMARINE FIRST? MCNAMARA: I’M AFRAID NOT MR. PRESIDENT. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gol-iCLcroY – retrieved April 20, 2026

In response to the rapid buildup of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba, President John F. Kennedy announced that the United States would impose a naval blockade—officially termed a “quarantine”—around the island. It went into effect on the morning of October 24, 1962, when American warships and aircraft tightened a ring around Cuba with orders to intercept any vessel suspected of carrying offensive military equipment.

Tension spiked almost immediately. Roughly 25 Soviet ships, some believed to be transporting nuclear missile components, continued steaming toward the quarantine line. U.S. commanders had standing instructions: any vessel refusing inspection could be stopped, diverted, and, if necessary, sunk. At 10:00 a.m., as the quarantine became active, Kennedy convened ExComm to assess the situation when new intelligence came in that made the situation immediately more precarious. Reports were that the approaching Soviet ships were joined by a Soviet sub armed with nuclear weapons, raising the risk of an existential, catastrophic confrontation. At the same time, aerial reconnaissance showed Soviet crews working feverishly in western Cuba to complete missile sites armed with nuclear warheads pointed at the U.S.—further evidence that the threat to U.S. national security, already considered imminent by the Kennedy Administration, was growing by the minute.

On the diplomatic front, the crisis was unresolved as it was debated by delegates at the U.N. whether Kennedy’s blockade was even legal under international law. Soviet leaders accused the United States of issuing an ultimatum and warned that force would be met with force. Meanwhile protests were organized on each side across the globe as political maneuvering accelerated.

By the end of October 24, 1962, the first signs of restraint appeared: several Soviet ships slowed or halted before reaching the quarantine line, suggesting Moscow might be reconsidering its next move. Even so, the world understood, some for the first time, that it stood on the precipice of nuclear war. The day ended with both superpowers locked in the most dangerous equilibrium of the crisis so far – both armed, alert, and waiting for the next move – with no one knowing whether diplomacy or confrontation would ultimately prevail.

October 31, 1962 — Three Days After the Cuban Missile Crisis, JFK Meets the Archbishop of Canterbury at the White House:

Above: Rev. Dr. Michael Ramsey (1904–1988), Archbishop of Canterbury, meets with President John F. Kennedy on Halloween, 1962—just three days after the Cuban Missile Crisis ended. The world was still exhaling in relief: armed confrontation between the superpowers had been narrowly avoided, and October 27 had been the crisis’s most perilous day. A U‑2 reconnaissance plane was shot down by Soviet‑supplied SAM missiles, killing the USAF pilot. Kennedy’s ExComm urged immediate military retaliation, but he resisted. That same night, Robert Kennedy met secretly with Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin in Washington, where they reached a tentative understanding pending Moscow’s approval. By the next morning, October 28, Radio Moscow announced acceptance of Kennedy’s proposal, ending the 13‑day standoff.

Michael Ramsey had been appointed Archbishop of Canterbury on May 31, 1961, and installed the following month, serving until 1974. In 1962 he was also president of the World Council of Churches (1961–1968). During his archbishopric, the first woman Anglican priest—Chicago‑born high‑altitude balloonist Jeannette Piccard—was ordained in the United States in 1974.

Massachusetts: John F. Kennedy Library, Columbia Point, Boston (June 1989):

July 1989 — The author at the John F. Kennedy Library, Columbia Point, Boston.

Standing near JFK’s iconic sailboat, 1989 marked the Library’s tenth anniversary, a moment when the institution shifted from a young presidential repository into a fully established center of civic education, political legacy, and architectural study. Its most enduring milestone of 1989 was the formal creation of the Profile in Courage Award by members of the Kennedy family. Just five weeks before this photograph, Columbia Point hosted a major family gathering on May 25, 1989, attended by Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, Senator Ted Kennedy, Caroline Kennedy, and John F. Kennedy Jr., underscoring the Library’s growing national prominence a decade after its opening

John F. Kennedy Family House (1957), 3307 N Street, Georgetown, Washington, D.C. (October 2003):

Author’s photograph.

June 1957 — A Georgetown Purchase In June 1957, Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy bought this three‑story Federal‑style house as a gift for his wife, Jacqueline Kennedy after the birth of their daughter, Caroline. Their son, John Jr., was also born while the family lived here.

Campaign Life at 3307 N Street During JFK’s 1958 Senate re‑election and the 1960 presidential campaign, Jackie hosted teas in the home’s double living room. The front entrance became nationally recognizable when President‑elect Kennedy stepped outside to announce major appointments — including naming his younger brother and campaign manager, Robert F. Kennedy as U.S. Attorney General.

President-Elect John F. Kennedy and Chester Bowles emerge from a breakfast conference at Kennedy’s Georgetown home in Washington, on Nov. 29, 1960. Bowles was appointed Under Secretary of State and later was Kennedy and Johnson’s ambassador to India.

January 20, 1961 — Departure for History On the morning of January 20, 1961, Kennedy famously left from this doorstep to travel to the U.S. Capitol for his swearing‑in as the 35th President of the United States. The house was sold later that year when the family moved into the White House.

Early 19th‑Century Origins Beyond its presidential associations, the home was originally built in 1811–12 for William Marbury (1762–1835), the financier and plaintiff in the landmark 1803 Supreme Court case Marbury v. Madison — the decision that established the foundational principle of judicial review.

The Garden Refuge The Kennedys used the brick‑walled garden at 3307 N Street as a quiet refuge, especially during the 1960 campaign. With JFK traveling constantly, he rarely found time for his painting hobby, though he did spend occasional Sunday afternoons in the garden with Jackie and Caroline, away from the public spotlight.

Aesthetic Balance Inside the home, Jackie’s classical European taste was balanced with historical maritime art and paintings of naval vessels — a nod to Kennedy’s U.S. Navy service and lifelong passion for the sea.

Massachusetts: The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site (Birthplace, 1917), Brookline, Massachusetts (July 1989) (August 2005):

July 1989 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site at 83 Beals Street preserves the birthplace and early childhood home of the 35th president. The house, built in 1909 by local architect‑builder Robert M. Goode, is a two‑and‑a‑half‑story Colonial Revival structure with a green‑shingled exterior, an asymmetric cross‑gabled roof, prominent dormers, and a front porch topped by an upper balustrade deck. It stands in Brookline’s Coolidge Corner neighborhood, a dense early‑20th‑century streetcar suburb of tree‑lined residential blocks bordering Boston.

Three Kennedy children were born in the second‑floor master bedroom: John F. Kennedy on May 29, 1917; Rosemary Kennedy on September 13, 1918; and Kathleen Kennedy on February 20, 1920. Their older brother, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., was born in Hull, and the later five siblings — including Bobby and Ted — were born around the corner in the larger family home on Abbottsford Road.

August 2005 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site in Brookline, Massachusetts. Author’s photograph.

JFK’s birthplace and childhood home—stands on Beals Street in the Boston suburbs. Joseph Patrick Kennedy purchased the house in August 1914, just ahead of his October marriage to Rose Elizabeth Fitzgerald. A driven, opportunistic young bank president and businessman, he began building his fortune during World War I through shipbuilding contracts in the Quincy yards. In Brookline, Joe Kennedy was an affectionate father who fostered a spirited sense of competition among the Kennedy children, shaping the family ethos that would define their later public lives.

August 2005 — The John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site in Brookline, Massachusetts. Author’s photograph.

John F. Kennedy was born in this upstairs master bedroom of this Beals Street home in the mid-afternoon (3 p.m.) on Tuesday, May 29, 1917, an unseasonably cold (44 degrees), overcast, and rainy day. The family lived on Beals Street until 1920, then moved a short walk away to a larger house on Abbottsford Road, where they remained until 1927 before relocating to New York. Rose Fitzgerald—daughter of Boston’s first American‑born Irish mayor—had seven of her nine children in Brookline and was reluctant to leave. John F. Kennedy was her second child and son.

In Brookline, Joe Kennedy, son of a local pol and saloonkeeper, instilled a competitive spirit in his children, while Rose, who had studied in Europe, taught them an appreciation for the arts and history. A devout Catholic, Rose took her children on weekday walks to market and then to church, reinforcing their faith as part of daily life, not just Sundays.

After Joseph P. Kennedy sold the Beals Street house to family friend Edward Moore, the property passed through several owners over the next four decades. Following JFK’s assassination in 1963, thousands of mourners visited the home, turning it into an impromptu pilgrimage site. In 1966, the current owners agreed to sell the house back to the Kennedy family so it could be preserved as a permanent memorial.

Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy then led a full restoration of the interior, working from her own memories and period décor to recreate the exact appearance of the home as it looked on the day John F. Kennedy was born in 1917. When the project was complete, the Kennedy family donated the property to the National Park Service in 1969, establishing what is now the John Fitzgerald Kennedy National Historic Site. Rose Kennedy said she gave the house to the American people so that “future generations will be able to visit it and see how people lived in 1917 and thus get a better appreciation of the history of this wonderful country.” see – https://www.nps.gov/jofi/index.htm – retrieved May 29, 2025.

February 26, 1962 — Voice of America speech:

(56 seconds). “We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.” -John F. Kennedy, Voice of America speech, February 26, 1962.

In a 1962 address to the Voice of America, President John F. Kennedy defined the organization’s mission as a duty to champion truth, transparency, and the free flow of information, even when revealing internal “blemishes and warts.” He emphasized that a free nation must not fear truth and that the “burden of truth” serves the cause of freedom.

SPEAKING OF FREEDOM OF INFORMATION IN A FREE COUNTRY TO THE ENTIRE WORLD: “The Voice of America speaks. Today America has been at war for 79 days. Daily at this time we shall speak to you about America and the war, and the news may be good or bad. We shall tell you the truth”…
…We seek a free flow of information across national boundaries and oceans, across iron curtains and stone walls. We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people.
The Voice of America thus carries a heavy responsibility. Its burden of truth is not easy to bear. …And as you tell it, it spreads. And as it spreads, not only is the security of the United States assisted, but the cause of freedom.”
See – https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/remarks-the-20th-anniversary-the-voice-america – retrieved May 29, 2025.

November 22, 1963 — Fort Worth Remarks Before the Texas Hotel:

November 22, 1963 – President John F. Kennedy’s remarks in front of the Texas Hotel, Fort Worth, TX. – retrieved November 23, 2025. (3.18 minutes).

On a rainy morning in front of the Texas Hotel in Fort Worth, President John F. Kennedy delivered brief remarks at a citizen’s rally. He outlined three pillars of national security: military strength, economic prosperity, and superiority in space exploration, noting that Fort Worth would again “play its proper part.”

KENNEDY: “What we are trying to do in this country and what we are trying to do around the world, I believe, is quite simple: and that is to build a military structure which will defend the vital interests of the United States. And in that great cause, Fort Worth, as it did in World War II, as it did in developing the best bomber system in the world, the B‑58, and as it will now do in developing the best fighter system in the world, the TFX, Fort Worth will play its proper part. And that is why we have placed so much emphasis in the last 3 years in building a defense system second to none, until now the United States is stronger than it has ever been in its history. And secondly, we believe that the new environment, space, the new sea, is also an area where the United States should be second to none.”

August 2005. National Portrait Gallery, Washington, D.C. Jacqueline Kennedy, the King of Hearts – Stop Action Reaction, 1997, by Tian Mion (b. 1960). see – https://www.si.edu/object/jacqueline-kennedy-king-hearts-stop-action-reaction:npg_S_NPG.2007.6 – retrieved May 29, 2025.

November 22, 1963 — The Johnsons Telephone Their Condolences to Rose Kennedy in the Immediate Aftermath of the Assassination:

November 22, 1963 — Rose and Joe Kennedy at Hyannis Port

On a clear “bluebird” morning at the Hyannis Port compound, Rose Kennedy followed her usual routine, attending morning Mass before returning home for lunch with Joe, who remained severely impaired from his 1961 stroke. After a short drive together, Rose received a call from her son, Attorney General Robert Kennedy: the President—her son Jack—had been shot in Dallas. A second call soon followed, confirming he was dead.

Rose withdrew to grieve in solitude, walking the beach and sitting quietly in her room, later reflecting that she asked God how decades of preparing her children for service could be undone in seconds. At approximately 4:15 p.m., she took a call from the new president, Lyndon Johnson, speaking from Air Force One shortly after being sworn in and as he returned to Washington with President Kennedy’s body. Composed, Rose addressed him as “Mr. President.”

June 11, 1963 — Oval Office Report to the American People on Civil Rights:

This nation was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

May 27, 1963 — Supreme Court Signals an End to Evasion of Brown v. Board

On May 27, 1963, the Supreme Court declared that it would no longer tolerate evasions of its 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling. The statement came in another desegregation case involving public parks. When the Court issued Brown in 1954, it could not have foreseen the years of delay and resistance that followed.

June 5–10, 1963 — Federal Orders and Kennedy’s Warning to Wallace

On June 5, a federal court enjoined Alabama Governor George Wallace from obstructing the admission of two qualified Black students to the University of Alabama. President John F. Kennedy reinforced the order on June 10, writing to Wallace and urging him not to interfere.

June 11, 1963 — Wallace “Stands in the Schoolhouse Door”

On June 11, Wallace carried out his pledge to “stand in the schoolhouse door,” physically blocking the students from enrolling. When he refused to yield to federal marshals, Kennedy nationalized the Alabama National Guard. Guard troops arrived, Wallace stepped aside, and the students entered and registered for classes.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PTHowggASwY

June 11, 1963 — Kennedy’s Civil Rights Address from the Oval Office

That evening, Kennedy delivered his “Report to the American People on Civil Rights” from the Oval Office. In a 13‑minute address, he set out the moral and legal issues surrounding civil rights and previewed legislation that would become the Civil Rights Act of 1964. After two cautious years, the speech marked a decisive shift: Kennedy gave a full‑throated endorsement of civil rights and federal action to secure them.

June 12–13, 1963 — The Murder of Medgar Evers and Local Repression

In the early hours of June 12, civil rights leader Medgar Evers, who had listened to Kennedy’s remarks, was assassinated outside his home in Jackson, Mississippi. On June 13, Jackson police arrested 82 Black marchers protesting Evers’s murder. Within a week, a white suspect was arrested and charged.

June 19, 1963 — Kennedy Sends His Civil Rights Bill to Congress

On June 19, Kennedy asked Congress to introduce his civil rights bill, seeking desegregation of public facilities, federal action to end job discrimination, and authority for the Attorney General to initiate desegregation suits.

Summer 1963 — Civil Rights Leaders Reject a Pause in Demonstrations

As Congressional debate and filibuster began, Kennedy asked civil rights leaders to suspend protests and marches. They refused. Instead, they announced a March for Jobs and Freedom in Washington, D.C., to take place in August 1963.

See- Kennedy and the Press, edit. Harold W. Chase and Allen H. Lerman, introduction by Pierre Salinger, Thomas Y. Crowell Company, New York, 1965, p. 452.

June 26, 1963 — Berlin speech at Rudolph Wilde Platz
November 21, 1963 —Texas motorcade & remarks at the dedication of the Aerospace Medical Health Center, San Antonio
August 1, 1963—color recording of remarks for “Seas Around Us”
September 12, 1962— Moon speech, Rice University, Houston, Texas

(27 seconds).

April 27, 1961 — Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City:

https://youtu.be/cgHGg8PiAqo?si=aSZpzJKa_NEeHsP4 – retrieved November 1, 2025. For transcript of speech SEE – The President and the Press: Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, April 27, 1961 | JFK Library

On April 27, 1961, President John F. Kennedy delivered his 2400-word+ major speech known as “President and the Press” before the American Newspaper Publishers Association at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City. In the speech delivered just days after the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion the new president made a plea for responsible journalism in the face of Cold War threats. The remarks remain relevant today on the topics of press freedom, misinformation, and national security.

I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed. see – https://www.jfklibrary.org/archives/other-resources/john-f-kennedy-speeches/american-newspaper-publishers-association-19610427#:~:text=This%20Administration%20intends%20to%20be,out%20when%20we%20miss%20them. – retrieved March 25, 2025.
It was early in the 17th century that Francis Bacon [1561-1626] remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations, first forged by THE COMPASS have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world’s efforts to live together, the evolution of GUNPOWDER to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure. And, so, it is to the PRINTING PRESS–to the recorder of man’s deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news–that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers–I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: “An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.” We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.

John F. Kennedy 1960 Campaign Ad For Social Security:

JOHN F. KENNEDY: we do not rely merely on the past we look forward in this country we fight the same battle that he fought we find it easier because he fought it but it is now our battle. so that this country moves ahead. (6) John F. Kennedy [Democratic] 1960 Campaign Ad “Hyde Park – Social Security” – YouTube – retrieved August 14, 2025. (4.41 minutes).

The Origins of Social Security

When Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Social Security Act on August 14, 1935, he called the new federal retirement program a “cornerstone.” It became one of the central pillars of the New Deal and a defining feature of modern American social policy.

A Personal Reflection from 1998

In 1998, at a Chicago book signing for The Virtues of Aging, I met former President Jimmy Carter and asked whether he believed Social Security was destined to disappear. Carter replied that he did not think so, a view reflecting the long‑standing bipartisan commitment to the program’s survival.

Social Security Under Strain in 2026

By 2026, Social Security faces unprecedented pressure. The aging population has surged: 75 million seniors now receive benefits—three times the number in 1975. Meanwhile, a smaller workforce contributes payroll taxes to support a rapidly growing pool of beneficiaries. Trust‑fund reserves are being depleted, and insolvency is projected for the mid‑2030s.

Kennedy’s 1960 Visit to Hyde Park

During the 1960 presidential campaign, Democratic nominee John F. Kennedy visited Hyde Park, New York, the national shrine home of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The occasion marked the 25th anniversary of the Social Security Act. Kennedy addressed 2,000 senior citizens gathered to honor Roosevelt and hear the young senator outline his vision for strengthening the program.

Kennedy’s Proposals for America’s Aging Population

In his remarks, Kennedy advanced a series of proposals aimed at improving the lives of older Americans and modernizing Social Security. Among them:

  • Federal medical care — a precursor to Medicare, which would be enacted in 1965.
  • Cost‑of‑living adjustments — automatic increases to keep pace with inflation, implemented in 1975.
  • Incentives for continued work — allowing older Americans to earn more without losing benefits.
  • Vocational guidance — support for retirees seeking new roles or training.
  • Adequate housing — expanding federal efforts to provide safe, affordable homes for seniors.
  • Medical research — increased study of diseases associated with aging.
  • Higher survivor benefits — expanded support for spouses caring for under‑age children.

A Continuity of Purpose

Kennedy’s 1960 message echoed Roosevelt’s original vision: Social Security was not merely a retirement program but a national commitment to dignity, security, and opportunity in old age. His proposals anticipated many reforms that would shape the program in the decades to come.

March 29, 1962—News Conference 29:

The Tax Cut Bill Advances in Congress

The press conference occurred the same week the House Ways and Means Committee approved President Kennedy’s tax cut bill. At the same time, Kennedy emphasized the need to close tax loopholes that permitted and encouraged American industries to invest overseas.

(6) John F. Kennedy’s HILARIOUS response to a woman’s question. – YouTube – retrieved July 21, 2025.

Revenue Neutrality as a Central Congressional Concern

Congress was focused on balancing the revenue lost from tax cuts with revenue gained through tax reforms, aiming to produce a revenue‑neutral bill. The effort was conceived as a targeted economic stimulus—not the broad‑brush solution tax cuts later became in national economic debates, nor the inverse approach of sweeping tax hikes.

Balancing Cuts and Reforms in the 1962 Legislation

The 1962 tax bill was modified and passed with this balancing principle in mind. Kennedy proposed significant reductions in tax rates for individuals and corporations, acknowledging that such cuts would initially reduce federal revenue. Broadly pro‑growth, the plan was not a modern‑style tax giveaway; policymakers believed the country could not afford such an approach. Instead, the goal was to offset revenue losses through reforms that generated compensating gains.

Sources of Revenue Gains

Revenue increases for the government came from several reforms, including:

  • Eliminating the dividend credit and exclusion
  • Introducing withholding taxes on dividends and interest
  • Restricting business expense deductions, particularly for entertainment and meals
  • Adjusting tax treatment for cooperatives and financial institutions
  • Revising taxation of gains from the sale of depreciable property

Short‑Term Losses and Long‑Term Contrast

Although the final Revenue Act of 1962 resulted in a short‑term net revenue loss, it still reflected Kennedy’s intent to pair tax cuts with offsetting reforms. Later economic approaches—particularly those associated with Reagan‑era tax policy—introduced large tax cuts skewed toward higher‑income earners without corresponding revenue‑generating reforms, relying exclusively on growth‑driven revenue effects to offset massive revenue losses. Combined with increased federal spending, this produced persistent deficit financing that Kennedy could not have imagined.

Kennedy’s Fiscal Aim in 1962

In 1962, Kennedy sought both a tax cut and a balanced budget, a pairing that underscores how different his fiscal strategy was from later eras of tax policy.


March 7, 1962—News Conference 26:

On February 22, 1962, Soviet Premier Khrushchev proposed that at the upcoming U.N.-sponsored Geneva Disarmament Conference on March 14 that the heads of government meet.

Kennedy rejected the offer, though he was afterwards pressured by European allies to reconsider and probed by the U.S. press if he would possibly attend and so backtrack on his statements. He maintained his firm position against attending the opening of the Geneva Disarmament Conference on March 14, 1962. Instead of traveling to Switzerland himself, Kennedy appointed Arthur H. Dean as the Chairman of the U.S. Delegation and sent Secretary of State Dean Rusk to handle the initial high-level negotiations.

Kennedy later outlined the manner of his going to any sort of summit conference in the near future— 1. to ratify an agreement 2. if there was a serious international crisis or the U.S. was on the brink of war 3. To aid the national interest.

The outcome to that spring’s lengthy Geneva talks was announced by Kennedy about 5 weeks after its opening: that negotiators had reached a broad outline for the objectives and principles, basic provisions and timings of a general treaty on nuclear disarmament.

Six months later the Cuban Missile Crisis took place.

April 30, 1963 — April 30, 1963 — Kennedy’s Remarks to Choate Alumni:

On May 4, 1963, President Kennedy broadcast taped remarks to the alumni of his alma mater, The Choate School, commemorating the unveiling of his official portrait on the campus in Wallingford, Connecticut.

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zp4alOCiqCo – retrieved February 27, 2026.

A Line That Defined an Inauguration

The phrase most associated with John F. Kennedy’s 1961 Inaugural Address—“Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country”—endured as a defining call to civic action. Delivered by the nation’s first Catholic president, it urged Americans to see national progress as a shared personal duty rather than a service provided by government.

Echoes in Years of Lightning, Day of Drums (1965)

Its resonance appears again in the 1965 documentary Years of Lightning, Day of Drums, one of the earliest films to chronicle Kennedy’s presidency and assassination. Near the conclusion, narrator Gregory Peck reflects, “All this took place in the early 1960s, and someday the early 1960s will be a long time ago.” Hearing that line as a child, I felt its existential reminder: even the most vivid present moments eventually recede into memory and become history.

Possible Origins at Choate

Some historians have suggested that Kennedy’s inaugural exhortation may trace back to his years at Choate, the Connecticut boarding school he entered in 1931 as a ninth‑grade student. In his chapel addresses, headmaster George St. John frequently reminded students: “The youth who loves his alma mater will always ask not ‘what can she do for me?’ but ‘what can I do for her?’” Kennedy would have heard this refrain repeatedly during his formative years.

A Frail Student with a Mischievous Streak

Kennedy arrived at Choate following his older brother, Joe Jr., a standout athlete two years ahead of him. By contrast, Kennedy was frail, thin, and saddled with the nickname “rat face” among classmates. His early years were marked less by distinction than by mischief. He gathered around him a circle of friends he called “The Muckers Club,” a tongue‑in‑cheek embrace of St. John’s term for troublemakers. Their antics were largely harmless—witty pranks and playful irreverence—and the group included Kennedy’s roommate and lifelong friend, Lem Billings.

A Shift in Trajectory

Despite his unremarkable start, Kennedy’s trajectory at Choate changed. By the time he graduated in 1935, he was not valedictorian, but his peers voted him “Most Likely to Succeed,” a judgment that reflected what followed.

JFK, May 4, 1963: First, it is to make sure that our private schools are increasingly representative of the diversity of American life. These schools will not survive if they become the exclusive possession of a single class or creed or color. They will enlarge their influence only as they incorporate within themselves the variety which accounts for so much of the drive and the creativity of the American tradition. The second is to make sure that our private schools prepare young men and women for service to the community and to the Nation. The inheritance of wealth creates responsibilities; so does privilege in education.

May 19, 1962 — Birthday Party for President Kennedy at Madison Square Garden:

Marilyn Monroe Sings Happy Birthday Mr. President to JFK | Netflix https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mqsikkkyy_s – retrieved May 29, 2024.

On May 19, 1962—ten days before President Kennedy turned 45—more than 15,000 people packed Madison Square Garden for his birthday celebration, a star‑studded night of politicians, entertainers, and Hollywood royalty. The evening became legendary when Marilyn Monroe stepped onto the main stage in a sheer, flesh‑colored gown studded with 2,500 rhinestones and delivered her breathy rendition of “Happy Birthday, Mr. President” as a giant cake was brought out.

Kennedy followed her to the microphone and quipped, “I can now retire from politics after having had Happy Birthday sung to me in such a sweet, wholesome way,” a wink at Monroe’s sultry delivery and famously skintight dress.

Monroe had flown to New York with jazz pianist Hank Jones, leaving the troubled production of Something’s Got to Give to make the cross‑country appearance. The decision cost her: 20th Century‑Fox fired her in June 1962 for violating her contract. Kennedy attended the event alone; Jackie Kennedy skipped the celebration entirely, spending the day at the Loudoun Benefit Horse Show in Virginia with Caroline and John Jr.

The Madison Square Garden performance would become one of Monroe’s final public appearances before her death that August.

February 26, 1962 — President John F. Kennedy presented astronaut John Glenn with the NASA Distinguished Service Medal at the White House:

(26) John F. Kennedy presents a medal to Colonel John Herschel Glenn Jr at the White …HD Stock Footage – YouTube – retrieved July 18, 2026.

Astronaut John Glenn, born July 18, 1921, was part of NASA’s first astronaut group and became the first American to orbit Earth three times on February 20, 1962. Six days later, on February 26, 1962, President John F. Kennedy presented him with the NASA Distinguished Service Medal at the White House—a ceremony meant both to honor Glenn and to bolster national confidence during the Space Race.

The color footage (no sound) shows Kennedy awarding the medal with Glenn’s wife, Annie, and their children, John David (16) and Carolyn “Lyn” Glenn (14), standing beside him.

Glenn visited the Kennedy White House at least four times. He returned on May 3, 1962, as JFK welcomed Glenn and Soviet cosmonaut Gherman Titov to the Oval Office to discuss their historic flights and encourage international space cooperation. About six weeks before Dallas, on October 10, 1963, Kennedy presented Glenn, joined by the rest of the Mercury Seven astronauts, with the National Aeronautic Association’s 1962 Robert J. Collier Trophy for pioneering American manned spaceflight.

Glenn retired from NASA in 1964 and became A US Senator from Ohio for a quarter of a century (1974-1999). As a sitting senator, 77-year-old Glenn returned to space in 1999 on shuttle Discovery. John Glenn died on December 8, 2016, at the age of 95

June 23-July 2, 1963 — President Kennedy’s 1963 European Tour:

In June and July 1963, President John F. Kennedy embarked on a historic ten-day European tour, beginning with a four-day visit to West Germany and West Berlin. During a stop in Hanau on June 25, Kennedy stepped out of his motorcade to personally shake hands with the German police motorcycle escort that had guided him through streets lined with dense cheering crowds. The following day, June 26, he traveled to Berlin to deliver his celebrated “Ich bin ein Berliner” address on the steps of Rathbone Schöneberg that was attended by a crowd of 500,000. The trip continued as a triumphal circuit through Western Europe. In Ireland, Kennedy visited his ancestral homestead in Wexford and addressed the Irish Parliament. Moving on to the United Kingdom, he attended Sunday Mass at a small parish church in East Sussex (“Our Lady, Help of Christians”) before meeting with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. Finally, Kennedy concluded his journey in Italy on July 2 with a private audience with Pope Paul VI—securing a vital diplomatic meeting while carefully avoiding the new Pope’s formal installation ceremony just days prior.

October 26, 1963 — Remarks at Amherst College:

The men who create power make an indispensible contribution to the nation’s greatness. But the men who question power make a contribution just as indispensible for they determine whether we use power or power uses us.

October 26, 1963: Remarks at Amherst College on the Arts.

Robert Frost was 88 years old when he participated in the star-studded fundraiser An American Pageant of the Arts on November 29, 1962. The closed-circuit television broadcast served as a major fundraising engine for the National Cultural Center (the future Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C.)—a project initiated by President Eisenhower in 1958 and enthusiastically championed by the Kennedy administration. Though President Kennedy watched from the D.C. National Guard Armory and former President Eisenhower joined via video link from Augusta, Georgia, the event put the growing national momentum for public arts funding on full display.

While Frost recited his poem “Away!” during that specific broadcast, Kennedy was already deeply familiar with Frost’s wider catalog—most notably his poem “Choose Something Like a Star.” JFK had quoted its concluding lines on February 26, 1961, during a televised CBS tribute titled Accent: Robert Frost: An American Poet: “So when at times the mob is swayed / To carry praise or blame too far, / We may choose something like a star / To stay our minds on and be staid.”

The poem deeply mirrored Kennedy’s core philosophy toward governance. He believed that modern democratic leaders required “something like a star”—an unyielding moral anchor or a higher ideal—to ground their focus so their decisions would not be swept away by the fluctuating impulses of public opinion or even themselves.

On October 26, 1963, President Kennedy traveled to Amherst College in Massachusetts for the groundbreaking of the Robert Frost Library. Frost had passed away earlier that January, leaving behind a rich legacy at Amherst, where he taught on and off for 22 years. Reflecting on their personal relationship, Kennedy fondly recalled to the crowd that Frost was unusually “hard-boiled” for a poet, noting that Frost “felt very strongly that the United States should be a country of power and of force.” Frost had once playfully warned the president not to let the “Harvard” in him become too important—a piece of advice Kennedy dryly quipped, “We’ve followed.” Recalling Frost’s devotion to teaching, Kennedy shared how the poet once said he liked to “put [his] students on the operating table and proceed to take ideas they didn’t know they had out of them,” and that the true test of a student’s potential was “the sort of work for which he will neglect his studies.”

The October 26 visit began with an indoor convocation ceremony inside the campus gymnasium, where Kennedy delivered a fifteen-minute address that is now widely regarded as one of the most profound speeches of his presidency. Speaking in honor of the late poet, Kennedy reflected deeply on the relationship between art, poetry, education, and political power. He praised Frost as a figure who understood that a nation’s true strength rests not merely in its wealth or military might, but in the spirit and culture that guide it. Kennedy also reminded the Amherst student body that intellectual privilege carries a strict responsibility to serve the public good, arguing that universities must pursue a “great national purpose” beyond personal advancement.

The speech is most famous for its enduring meditation on how creative expression acts as a vital check on state authority: “When power leads man towards arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations. When power narrows the areas of man’s concern, poetry reminds him of the richness and diversity of his existence. When power corrupts, poetry cleanses.”

Kennedy argued that artists and writers serve as essential guardians of truth, preserving individual conscience and challenging society to live up to its highest ideals. He insisted that true art is never propaganda, and that a free society must allow its creators the liberty to follow their vision wherever it may lead.

After receiving an honorary Doctor of Laws degree, Kennedy rode by motorcade the short distance to the campus field for the physical groundbreaking ceremony. Speaking informally and entirely without a text, he reflected on Frost’s long association with the college and quoted Harvard professor George Lyman Kittredge’s famous observation that a university could see all its physical buildings torn down, yet it would still exist so long as it kept its library. The seamless transition from the grand philosophical reflections of the morning convocation to the literal turning of the soil for the new library provided a fitting conclusion to a day that celebrated the vital, enduring importance of literature and learning in American public life.

September 26, 1960. Kennedy vs. Nixon: The first 1960 presidential debate

During the first televised presidential debate, held in Chicago on September 26, 1960, and devoted entirely to domestic policy, John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon clashed over three major questions of affordability: healthcare for the elderly (the future Medicare), federal aid to education, and the broader issues of inflation, government spending, and balancing the federal budget. [Starts 34:00 minutes}

As might be expected, the debate revealed two fundamentally different views of what the nation and its citizens could, and should, be able to afford.

On healthcare, Kennedy argued that it was unrealistic to expect most elderly Americans to pay medical costs out of pocket. He advocated tying health insurance directly to Social Security, allowing it to be financed automatically through the existing tax system. Nixon opposed a mandatory federal program financed by payroll taxes, instead proposing a voluntary health insurance program subsidized by federal and state governments while preserving individual choice and private administration.

On education, Kennedy supported substantial federal aid to the states, including assistance for public schools and higher teacher salaries. Nixon favored a more limited federal role, supporting funding for school construction while warning that broader aid could lead to federal influence over local curricula.

The sharpest exchange concerned government spending and the federal budget. Nixon argued forcefully that the United States could not afford the scale of Kennedy’s proposed programs, estimating they would cost an additional $18 billion annually (more than $200 billion in today’s dollars). He warned that such expenditures would increase deficits, unbalance the budget, fuel inflation, and raise the cost of living for ordinary Americans. Kennedy responded that his proposals were fiscally responsible and that a growing economy would generate the revenues necessary to fund these investments without jeopardizing budgetary stability.

see – CPD: September 26, 1960 Debate Transcript – retrieved November 4, 2026.

February 7, 1963 – The 11th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.C.

But each morning and each evening, let us remember the advice of my fellow Bostonian, the Reverend Phillips Brooks: ‘Do not pray for easy lives. Pray to be stronger men! Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers. Pray for powers equal to your tasks.’ President John F. Kennedy (1917-1963), February 7, 1963, in Washington, D.C., during his address at the 11th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast.

While Truman signed the bill creating the annual National Day of Prayer in April 1952, the inaugural Presidential Prayer Breakfast did not take place until February 5, 1953. Newly elected President Dwight D. Eisenhower was the first president to attend the event, which was organized by Methodist minister Abraham Vereide and evangelist Billy Graham. Every sitting U.S. president since Eisenhower has attended and spoken at the annual gathering.

This explanatory article is periodically updated.

Why America’s Racial Crisis Was a Moral Crisis: The Enduring Vision of C.T. Vivian (1924-2020).

FEATURE image: Rev. C.T. Vivian. PHOTO: CC BY-SA 4.0

President Barack Obama delivers the 2013 Presidential Medal of Freedom to Cordy Tindell “C.T.” Vivian, during a ceremony in the East Room of the White House, Nov. 20, 2013. (Official White House Photo by Lawrence Jackson)/ Public Domain.

America’s racial crisis was not fundamentally a Black problem but a moral, institutional, and historical failure of the nation itself. True freedom and justice require transforming the attitudes and structures that sustain racial inequality, and nonviolent action is the most powerful means of achieving that transformation.

Early Life and Foundations

Rev. C.T. Vivian died on July 17, 2020 at 95 years old. Rev. Vivian was born in Boonville, Missouri, and migrated as a child with his mother to Macomb, Illinois. Rev. Vivian grew up to attend Western Illinois University (WIU) in Macomb, Illinois, where he worked as the sports editor for the student newspaper. In 1987, decades after attending the university, Rev. Vivian received an honorary doctorate from WIU.

Entering the Civil Rights Arena

Rev. Vivian’s career as an activist began in Peoria, Illinois, where, in 1947, he participated in sit-in demonstrations to successfully integrate Barton’s Cafeteria. Soon after, he served with Rev. Dr. Martin Luther KIng, Jr. and joined Dr. King’s executive staff. In that capacity, Rev. VIvian served as the national director of affiliates for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).

Evaluating Black Power and the Christian Faith

In the mid1960’s Rev. Vivian organized and directed efforts to re-evaluate activist networks and goals and the ideology and practice of Black Power, as well as the role of Christian faith among its participants.

The Urban Training Center and “The Plunge”

In 1965, Rev. C.T. Vivian became Director of Fellowships and Internships of the Urban Training Center (UTC) for Christian Mission in Chicago. Founded with a grant from the Ford Foundation in 1963 to train African American Christian pastors and organizers—Rev. Jesse Jackson was among the first 19 men trained under Rev. Vivian’s program at the UTC in its first year—the organization considered new dimensions to protest movements in Chicago concerned with Black power, Black identity and Black unity.

By means of lectures, readings, discussions and nonviolent training exercises such as “the Plunge” where participants had to survive on their own for seven days without access to housing, food, or other resources, the organization existed to help its participants to seek ways to take power from structures which affect their lives particularly on the West and South Sides of Chicago. 

Authoring the Post-King Era

In 1970, following the assassination of Dr. King in 1968, Rev. Vivian became the first of Dr. King’s staff to write a book based on his experiences in the civil rights movement. Rev. Vivian’s book was entitled Black Power and the American Myth.

Theological Leadership and Community Banking

Rev. Vivian eventually became director of the Urban Theological Institute at Atlanta’s Interdenominational Theological Center, a consortium of African-American seminaries. He was also board chair of Capitol City Bank, a minority-owned bank founded in 1995 that focused on loans for underserved areas. With eight branches in metro Atlanta, Capitol City Bank closed in 2015.

A Legacy of Youth Leadership and National Honors

Through the C.T. Vivian Leadership Institute founded in 2008, Rev. Vivian continued to do the kind of work he did in Chicago in the 1960’s which was facilitating mainly youth who were seeking discerned strategies for their material and spiritual goals. On behalf of at-risk youth and college graduates, Rev. Vivian fostered innovative leadership for their career development in the 21st century. In 2012, Rev. Vivian returned to serve as interim President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and, in 2013, President Obama awarded Rev. Vivian the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Photograph: C.T. Vivian, Harry Belafonte (1927-2023), Rev. Joseph Lowery (1921-2020). “Photograph: Harry Belafonte, Rev. Joseph Lowery, and C.T. Vivian” by pflegerarchives is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0.

Nonviolence was both strategy and transformation. Rev. C.T. Vivian presents nonviolence as a source of power that confronts fear with courage and hate with love while simultaneously creating a new social order.

PHOTO: CC BY-SA 4.0

To all who accepted it, nonviolence offered new power. It pitted calm courage against frantic fear. It set the action of love against the reaction of hate.
Nonviolence was a method which at once began to end the old and create the new.
America was born as a revolutionary nation.
The United States began with a struggle for civil rights. The specific issue – taxation without representation – was merely a focus for the larger question of whether or not a dominant majority would continue to exploit a subject minority. The American colonists decided that this oppression was not tolerable.
Among other models of social action was the American Revolution itself.
The question always before the Black man was: What must I do to be free?

Martin Luther King Jr. elevated civil rights into a moral issue. According to Rev. Vivian, Dr. King moved the struggle beyond economics and politics and placed it within a moral and spiritual framework.

It was Martin Luther King who removed the Black struggle from the economic realm and placed it in the moral and spiritual context.
When Martin Luther King emerged, he raised the issues from the pragmatic to the sublime.
As a nation, America had steadfastly refused to accept the humanity of its Black minority. It had perpetrated an endless series of horrors more ghastly than most of its citizens could imagine or believe

Racism was created to justify injustice. C.T. Vivian believed that racism developed as a rationalization for slavery and exploitation, allowing Americans to reconcile oppression with their conscience.

Racism began as rationalization. It began as a justification of the white man’s injustice to the Black. The greed that brought Black men into slavery was not alone enough to make the institution bearable to the white conscience.
The Blacks who were brought to this country as slaves were systematically stripped of all cultural ties…Nor were they allowed to develop new institutions to replace the old. They were not permitted to read or write.
White Americans had to become racists or John Browns…There were many more whites of John Brown’s persuasion than is commonly known. The annals of Southern history document the executions of scores of whites accused of fomenting Black revolt.
Today bigotry most often shows itself as blind indifference and willful ignorance rather than as racist activism.
During the time of slavery abolitionists were accused of violence for merely ADVOCATING an end to slavery, while the steady falling of the overseer’s lash went unquestioned as a necessary fact of life.
Blacks were permitted nothing by which to mark themselves as human. They had neither legal nor moral rights. They were property, not people.
Although the Constitution had been amended to declare him a citizen, the Black was neither considered to be, nor treated as, a man.

The larger problem was white society and its institutions. Drawing on Gunnar Myrdal, Rev. Vivian contends that America did not have a “Negro problem” but a “white problem,” requiring change in majority attitudes and institutions.

We were continually warned about “backlash”—which is what white people do when Black people fail to “stay in their place.”
What began as a Negro rights movement and became a civil rights movement would have to become a human rights movement encompassing the entire nation. It would not be enough even for the nation to change its attitudes toward Black people – we saw that the nation would have to change its attitude toward itself as well. White people as individuals and as a group would have to examine and redefine themselves, their past, and their future just as Blacks were doing.
As Gunnar Myrdal pointed out in his classic study AN AMERICAN DILEMMA, this country does not have a Negro problem, it has a white problem. Changing the white majority, their attitudes and their institutions, is basic to any solution to “racial strife.”
White America has accepted the brutality of enforced poverty, the violence of economic and social discrimination, the viciousness of personal intolerance, as social facts.
Even the Black church, which has been the closest thing in most communities to be a truly independent Black institution, has largely failed to deal with the facts of Black America. The church has taught that Blacks were human. But that they would only enjoy its privileges after death.
John Calhoun voiced the typical slaveholder’s view when he said freedom for whites was impossible without the enslavement of Blacks.

The Black freedom struggle was about dignity, not merely economics. Vivian argues that Black Americans sought “dignity, not dollars; manhood, not money; pride, not prosperity.” The movement was fundamentally a human and moral struggle.

Freedom was conceived of in commercial terms, and indeed there was cause for this..Yet the fact is that when ordinary Black people began to move it was not an economic force that moved them. They sought dignity, not dollars; manhood, not money; pride, not prosperity.
We were continually told by whites and fearful Blacks alike that we were fomenting discord, creating racial strife, mounting reaction and bigotry.
Blacks had to come to see themselves as masters of their own fate, masters of their secular destiny as well as their spiritual destiny.
When white people find filth in the streets of their neighborhood they quite properly call city hall and complain, and it is removed. But when the same whites (and warped Blacks) find filth in the ghetto streets, they call for a clean-up campaign by ghetto residents.
These facts — (of economic discrimination, infant mortality rate, malnutrition) and all the others which describe the Black condition — we knew well. Our problem was to make the rest of the nation understand them.
In 1964, the Small Business Administration reviewed its past ten years and reported that it had made seven loans to Blacks during that time –seven in ten years. This record is typical of most banks, savings and loans companies, and other financial institutions, which provide the capital that allows people to enter the commercial world.
We saw that the failure to admit Blacks to the society had created a permanent ambivalence within the nation, an ambivalence which warped everything that the nation did. Even the simple facts of history had been so twisted that it was impossible for most Americans to understand what happened to their land or why they had arrived at the crisis they were facing.
The first permanent non-Indian settlers in what is now the United States were not whites seeking religious freedom but Blacks seeking physical freedom. These people came here as slaves with an ill-fated Spanish colonial venture. They rebelled and sought refuge with the Indians. The Spanish left and the Blacks remained. This took place more than a hundred years before the landing of the Mayflower.
Of major importance is the fact that at the time of the Revolutionary War the entire American economy was sustained by slavery. Slaves were held in every colony.
For Blacks were not the only ones oppressed by slavery. Whites were also brutalized by their inability to escape from slavery. In the South this was especially clear. A police state was created and the entire population lived in terror of a slave uprising.

Justice is indivisible. Injustice anywhere threatens everyone: “When there is no justice for ALL, then there is no justice at all.”

During the 1890s, two to three Blacks were lynched every week – week after week, year after year.
In the Dred Scott decision of 1857…the Supreme Court explained that the phrase “the people of the United States” in the Constitution was never meant to include Blacks.
Congress…created the Freedmen’s Bureau, an agency designed to make the ex-slaves participants in the national economy. Much good work was done by the Bureau.
Millions of Americans suffered from misplaced hatreds. The classic example is the poor white Southerner who has been pitted against Blacks by the powerful men who exploit them both.
Most of the antislavery agitation in the United States came from poor whites in the South. These people saw that slavery kept THEM in bondage by allowing planters to control all the best land and manipulate the markets to their own advantage.
One reactionary Supreme Court decision interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment as having granted the privilege of national citizenship, but not necessarily state citizenship. This gave Blacks rights such as access to seaports, but left questions of education, suffrage, and employment up to the states.
During the Jim Crow mania, states, counties, towns, and cities vied with one another in passing repressive legislation, running all the way from the silly to the insane. This was the period which the “separate but equal” doctrine was taking shape.
When there is no justice for ALL, then there is no justice at all. Some may be favored, but none are safe.

Legal victories alone were insufficient. Court decisions and legislation mattered, but Rev. Vivian argues they often failed to produce meaningful changes in everyday Black life.

Ironically, it is America’s firm commitment to equalitarian ideals which makes the race question so intense.
In the Fifteenth Amendment, the government officially forbade the denial of voting rights because of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” And having done this, the government washed its hands of the whole matter.
The Civil Rights Act of 1965 was intended partly to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, because no more than a tiny fraction of the Black population had ever actually been allowed to vote.
Almost every public pronouncement concerning the condition of Blacks insisted that their situation was rapidly improving. But since Blacks were invisible to the white world, these questionable statements went unverified.
Some of our leaders recommended movement through education…Others to industrial occupations…still other leaders counseled violence. Throughout the history of America we fought many times. Before emancipation there were over 250 slave conspiracies and revolts.

C.T. Vivian embodied action-oriented leadership. Highlights include his work with Martin Luther King Jr., the SCLC, and civil rights organizing, leadership development, and youth empowerment.

The Birmingham campaign of 1963 was the first large-scale test of the new method (of nonviolence). It was titled “Project C” – C for CONFRONTATION.
When it became clear that we would not be crushed, official Birmingham accepted our demands—(1) desegregation of all public facilities, (2) hiring and upgrading of workers without discrimination, (3) the release of all jailed demonstrators, (4) the establishment of a permanent biracial committee to keep communications open between Blacks and whites.
Our movement depended on mass support; the mobilization of our people was our principal weapon.
White liberals also touted the success gained through legal action. But important as court battles have been, they failed to make any basic change in the lives of most Blacks.
Ten years after the school desegregation cases of 1954, only 2.14% of the nearly 3 million Black children in Southern schools have been affected and were receiving anything like a desegregated education.
As this protest reached massive proportions it became clear that those Americans who were not coming to realize the justice of the Black demands were closing their minds more permanently and more desperately to justice.
Massive opposition was stirring. White citizens’ councils were forming throughout the South. In the Northern cities, the names were different but the motives were the same whether they came under the heading of parents’ and taxpayers’ groups, homeowners’ associations, or community school councils.
Our accomplishments often bewildered us as much as our defeats.
It was not until the riots began that we understood the extent of our failure. The message from the streets was that hundreds of years of Black appeals for justice would now give way to action.

Civil rights must evolve into human rights. The movement’s ultimate goal was not simply Black advancement but a transformation of the entire nation into a more just society.

Genuine integration can never become a reality until both parties can live together as equals; and that will not happen until each sees the other as human, until each holds the same values upon which the entire culture can grow.
Integration is dead. The concept and the experience, insofar as they were tried, have both failed because of the powerful racism of this society. Blacks, in response, have realized that they must develop their own distinctive culture.
Black organizations that have organized around welfare have almost universally called for the abolishment of that system.
Who then really WANTS the welfare system? Who profits by it? Who perpetuates it? It is, of course, the people who RUN the system.
It is those who ADMINISTER welfare who get the most money, not the recipients; it is the administrators who are most truly ON welfare. This point should always be remembered when they try to speak for the Black community.
The collapse of the integration model has led to many social experiments ranging from Black capitalism to the African revival. There has been a headlong search for new sources of identity.
Within Black communities, therefore, the cry is no longer for integrated education, but for community control. It means Black control of Black schools, just as whites have always controlled their schools.
In a few cases there have even been beginning attempts at coalition between bigots and Blacks in opposition to the white liberals who refuse to give up the rubric of integration.
Some segments of the Black movement are concerning themselves specifically with the creation and re-creation of Black culture. Others have found inspiration in such international movements as socialism.
The only sanity seems to lie in a new form of segregation which will hopefully, in time, bring a new demand for integration – the integration of whites into the re-created culture that the Black minority has begun to achieve.

Most brief, educationally distinct citations come from C.T. Vivian’s Black Power and the American Myth.

Witness to a Movement: The Black Lives Matter March of 2020.

FEATURE image: The BLM march took place along Main Street in Downers Grove, Illinois, on Sunday, June 7, 2020.

Documents the 2020 Black Lives Matter march in Downers Grove.

All photographs and text by John P. Walsh.